Peter Cole. Ben Fletcher: The Life and Times of a Black Wobbly. Oakland: PM Press, 2020. 352 pp. $39.49, cloth, ISBN 978-1-62963-832-4. Reviewed by Chad Pearson (Collin College) Published on H-Labor (June, 2021) Commissioned by David Marquis (The College of William & Mary) I have too often heard the following critiques: ways employers have historically promoted white labor history is simply the study of white men in supremacy, combined with an underappreciation unions, and labor historians have done a poor job of class struggles across racial and gender lines of exploring divisions and identities other than has harmed the place of labor studies in the class. These claims ignore more than half a cen‐ academy, leading to the near erasure of the subject tury of “new labor history” scholarship—loads of in numerous higher educational institutions. Sadly, books and articles by Herbert Gutman, David few know about the combative struggles of Black Montgomery, Jacqueline Jones, Tera Hunter, Joe and interracial unions, and most have never Trotter, and many others that examine the histor‐ heard of Ben Fletcher (1890-1949), the influential ical experiences of racially and ethnically diverse and militant African American longshoreman and working men and women both in and outside of proud Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) workplaces—that disproves these sorts of state‐ member. ments. Moreover, labor historians such as Maybe that will change thanks to Peter Cole’s Theodore W. Allen, Noel Ignatiev, and David Roedi‐ wonderful investigative work. Cole, the author of ger were more responsible for introducing and two important books about the intersections of popularizing “whiteness studies” in the 1990s than class and race in the labor movement, has re‐ any other group of scholars, and one does not need cently re-released this edited collection, Ben to look far to find the enduring significance of this Fletcher: The Life and Times of a Black Wobbly, historiographical intervention. Phrases like “white which consists of numerous thought-provoking skin privilege” and “the wages of whiteness” are articles, letters, and speeches by and about this un‐ regularly made in seminar rooms as well as in act‐ derexplored labor activist. First published in 2007, ivist circles. Yet perhaps this overemphasis of white this fine collection includes a new foreword by laborers’ racism without properly addressing the leading historian Robin D. G. Kelley and a useful, H-Net Reviews 62-page introduction by Cole. Both place the under‐ and ethnic lines, a sharp contrast from the Americ‐ appreciated Black labor activist in his time, out‐ an Federation of Labor’s (AFL) International lining Fletcher’s rich experiences as an organizer Longshoremen’s Association, which organized and agitator, someone committed to fighting cap‐ African Americans in segregated locals. “Where it italism and racism while embracing the IWW’s had the power,” Cole explains, “the IWW ended se‐ famous slogan: “An Injury to One is an Injury to gregation—without a legal contact, without an All.” In his preface, Kelley informs us that “Fletcher electoral campaign, and with zero influence understood that only workers’ power could usher among local or national politicians” (p. 22). in a new society, and that required obliterating the Most of the book consists of newspaper art‐ color line, building durable solidarity, but also at‐ icles and letters that Cole has meticulously collec‐ tending to working people’s immediate needs” (p. ted: “Every known letter or essay written by x). By examining Fletcher’s life, we can gain help‐ Fletcher is included as is nearly every mention of ful insights into questions about race and class Fletcher by someone else” (p. 61). Thankfully, Cole struggles. provides brief introductions before each entry. Cole’s introduction, divided into twenty-two Writings about Fletcher are especially illuminat‐ sections, provides us with the key context, sum‐ ing, and we learn that well-known figures recog‐ marizing Fletcher’s conflict-ridden world. Histori‐ nized the significance of his activism. Cole intro‐ ans with prior knowledge about African Americ‐ duces us to writings by trade unionist A. Philip ans in the labor movement, academic newbies, Randolph, historian Abram Lincoln Harris, and and activists seeking to find inspiration from his‐ leading intellectual W. E. B. Du Bois. Some observ‐ tory will find this section highly valuable. We dis‐ ers marveled at the ways Local 8 promoted inclus‐ cover that Fletcher, a steadfast organizer with Phil‐ ivity and combativeness. In fact, Du Bois, someone adelphia’s Local 8 of the IWW's Marine Transport who witnessed examples of bigoted union behavi‐ Workers Industrial Union, prioritized class or during his life, praised Fletcher and the IWW for struggles above all else. Fletcher, who started la‐ leading “one of the social and political movements boring on Philadelphia’s docks in 1910, earned a in modern times that draws no color line” (p. 129). reputation as a reliable fighter against dictatorial While Du Bois insisted that racism benefited bosses, disreputable employers’ associations, and whites irrespective of their class position—fam‐ an increasingly repressive state. In May 1913, he ously coining the phrase “the psychological wages took part in a 4,000-person strike consisting of of whiteness”—Fletcher focused primarily on roughly half African Americans; the others were Ir‐ those at the top of society, singling-out the nation’s ish Americans and eastern European immigrants. businessmen-exploiters. Fletcher identified how During World War I, Fletcher, like numerous other managers routinely profited from nefarious “di‐ labor radicals, found himself on the federal gov‐ vide and conquer” techniques, writing in 1923 that ernment’s radar. In February 1918 he was arrested “it is needless to state that the employing class are and sentenced to serve ten years at the notorious the beneficiaries of these polices of Negro Labor prison in Leavenworth, Kansas, but was ultimately exclusion and segregation” (p. 194). At the same set free by President Warren Harding in October time, Fletcher was fully aware of racism’s long 1922. During his prison stay, he interacted with fel‐ reach and poisonous impacts, recognizing that far low leftists, including future US Communist Party too many white workers, many of whom held leader Earl Browder. The IWW remained import‐ membership in racially regressive AFL unions, ant throughout these years, since it, as Cole re‐ identifed with their race rather than their class. minds us, championed direct actions against bosses and promoted class struggles across racial 2 H-Net Reviews While employers and members of the federal tions, but virtually all opposed the IWW. Many ag‐ government mostly tolerated and sometimes en‐ gressively waived the US flag, declaring that the couraged racist white workers, they actively anti-union open-shop system of management was sought to undermine the IWW. The worst of the re‐ not only good for individual workers but was also pression occurred during World War I, falsely fundamentally “American.” labeled by Woodrow Wilson and his defenders as a Another group that harmed the efforts of Local war to make “the world safe for democracy.” IWW 8 were the Black separatists involved in Marcus activists certainly did not experience democracy Garvey’s movement. Obviously, Garvey’s Univer‐ since many authorities systematically prevented sal Negro Improvement Association was far less them from freely speaking and assembling. Fletch‐ physically threatening than the Klan, but it did er believed that he and his comrades faced the challenge promoters of class unity across racial wrath of state and capital forces partially because lines. Cole includes writings from sympathetic ob‐ of their progressive racial politics. Note his words servers of Fletcher’s labor activism at a time when from 1920: “It was held then that race prejudice race-based organizations were growing. Consider must not and will not be permitted to play any the words of Charles Owen and A. Philip Randolph, part in the IWW.” For that reason, “the IWW is writer-activists who penned essays about the ways damned, persecuted and lied about by the employ‐ IWW members of all races and ethnicities rejected ing class and their minions” (p. 153). Fletcher’s the Klan and the Garvey-led movement. Writing in comments here are critical in challenging the lib‐ 1921, they observed, “From the floor, white and eral historians, sociologists, and essayists who colored workers rise, make themselves heard, have insisted that labor unionists, rather than em‐ make motions, argue questions pro and con, have ployers, were the primary agents of spreading ra‐ their differences and settle them, despite Imperial cism. Wizard Colonel William Joseph Simmons’ and Fletcher experienced racism in both casual Marcus Garvey’s ‘Race First’ bogey” (p. 169). In an‐ and near-deadly ways. Most dramatically, he was other essay, also published in 1921, Owen and Ran‐ almost lynched in Norfolk during an organizing dolph recognized how these marine transport trip in 1917. He was ultimately saved by fellow workers remained firm in their advocacy of IWW members who helped him escape by smug‐ biracial unionism: “It is interesting to note, in this gling him “aboard a northbound ship to Boston” connection, that the white workers were as violent (p. 25). In addition to disapproving of his militant as the Negroes in condemning this idea of segrega‐ unionism, these threatening men opposed interra‐ tion” (p. 161). These unionists went to great lengths cial relationships. It is noteworthy that Fletcher to maintain picket lines and pressure their bosses: married a white woman in Boston. “It is a matter of common occurrence for Negro Following World War I, Fletcher continued to and white workers to combine against a white or a confront obstacles. He viewed the establishment black scab” (p. 162). of the second Ku Klux Klan, for example, as part of One of the collection’s strengths is that it a broad, employer-backed campaign to halt the traces Fletcher’s political ideas and activities in working class’s march forward.