Franco-British Diplomatic Relations Transformed? The Socio-Political Impact of the Émigrés’ Presence in Britain by Salam Guenette B.A., University of Jordan, 1996 B.A., University of Victoria, 2010 A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Department of History Salam Guenette, 2013 University of Victoria All rights reserved. This thesis may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without the permission of the author. ii Supervisory Committee Franco-British Diplomatic Relations Transformed? The Socio-Political Impact of the Émigrés’ Presence in Britain by Salam Guenette B.A., University of Jordan, 1996 B.A., University of Victoria, 2010 Supervisory Committee Dr. Robert S. Alexander, Department of History Supervisor Dr. Simon Devereaux, Department of History Departmental Member iii Abstract Supervisory Committee Dr. Robert S. Alexander, Department of History Supervisor Dr. Simon Devereaux, Department of History Departmental Member Throughout early-modern history, France and Britain had been enemies on opposite sides of the so-called Second Hundred Years’ War. Nevertheless, during the Revolutionary and the Napoleonic Wars (1793-1815), Britain became a haven for almost 40,000 French emigrants, and by 1814 France’s restored monarchy no longer viewed Britain as the enemy. The émigrés’ experience in Britain, its impact on long-term diplomatic ties between the two countries, and its wider repercussions for European history is the focus of my research. Did émigré diplomats knowingly follow a policy intended to foster a lasting alliance with Britain? Scholars who view the émigrés as politically impotent ignore the powerful impact French presence had on Britain’s elite. Even as early as 1793, the émigrés’ plight was an asset used by the British government in its negotiations with other European powers. My thesis will answer the aforementioned question by exploring a neglected aspect of the French experience in Great Britain: the émigrés’ social and political interactions with the British public and government and how this may have affected Franco-British diplomacy during the nineteenth century. iv Table of Contents Supervisory Committee ...................................................................................................... ii Abstract .............................................................................................................................. iii Table of Contents ............................................................................................................... iv Acknowledgments ............................................................................................................... v Dedication .......................................................................................................................... vi Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 1 Chapter I: Diplomacy on the Road .................................................................................. 28 Chapter II: Diplomacy from a Distance ............................................................................ 53 Chapter III: Diplomacy in Conflict ................................................................................... 80 Chapter IV: Diplomacy in Harmony ............................................................................... 106 Conclusion: Diplomacy in Retrospect ............................................................................ 139 Bibliography ................................................................................................................... 148 v Acknowledgments I would like to thank the Department of History at the University of Victoria, the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council and the Michael Smith Foreign Study Supplement for providing me the opportunity to pursue my academic dream. My sincere gratitude goes to Dr. Robert S. Alexander for his guidance, support and patience over the years. vi Dedication For Darin and Devlin Introduction 2 We never saw a scene of such real joy as this day has presented; every body seemed to anticipate the restoration of better days, and welcomed the journey of the legitimate King to his dominions, as the best guarantee of a lasting and affectionate union between the two nations.1 In his book Natural and Necessary Enemies: Anglo-French Relations in the Eighteenth Century (1986), Jeremy Black concludes that the relationship between France and Britain during the eighteenth century suffered a weakness of “personal links at senior levels.”2 This weakness was marked by the absence of reciprocal confidential channels through which foreign policy could either be influenced or explained. Mutual mistrust between the governments intensified this weakness even though ministries on either side sought closer relations at various points following the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713.3 Yet, on the eve of his departure from Britain after a twenty-three year exile, Louis XVIII thanked the Prince Regent for his country’s support and declared: “It is to your Royal Highness’s Councils, to this great country, and to the constancy of its people that I shall always ascribe, under Providence, the restoration of our House to the Throne of our Ancestors.”4 Such a declaration suggests a ‘revolution’ of sentiment between two traditional enemies who had been on opposite sides of the so-called Second Hundred Years’ War.5 To what degree did the French presence in Britain influence this change? Paul Schroeder has pondered how European diplomats so desirous of peace at the end of the Seven Years’ War failed to achieve their goal, and why they succeeded a generation later. The answer to his question rests on the transformation of old systems of alliances which governed European diplomacy, whereby the rules of compensation, indemnification, prestige and raison d’état were shifted to accommodate the interests of 3 other states for the sake of peace and equilibrium.6 The French Revolution and its ensuing disruption of Europe occupy a great part of this narrative, wherein Schroeder gives the counter-revolutionary activities of French émigrés’ a place of importance for sowing the seeds of revolutionary wars. According to Schroeder, the provocation and antagonism of early émigrés, who enjoyed little sympathy abroad, helped radicalize the situation in France and made war possible.7 While it is difficult to refute this statement, the years of exile also altered the emigration experience, and despite the enduring intransigence of ultra-royalism, the official diplomacy of the restored Bourbons, at least during the reign of Louis XVIII, was more in line with the wishes and interests of their European neighbours, particularly Britain. This change, I would argue, was due in great part to the close social contact between the French exiles and their British hosts. For the latter, the French Revolution was a dramatic and decisive event and the wars it caused dominated British politics and economy for more than twenty years.8 Historically, the émigrés were a creation of the French Revolution and they remain, for better or worse, tied to the Counter-revolution.9 As a collective entity, the émigrés present an unsympathetic image of a group that has been little studied in the massive literature of Revolutionary historiography. The emigration, a phenomenon that was supposedly overwhelmingly from society’s upper tiers, is often presented in Manichean terms: the black of the clergy and the white Bourbon cockade. The eventual Bourbon restoration and return of the émigrés helped cement the image that they were reactionary ultra-royalists and fervently dedicated to reinstating the ancien régime, while the politicized history of the Revolution means that even today, studying the émigrés 4 “smacks” of conservatism.10 Such a presentation however neither encompasses the diversity of political opinions and attitudes among the exiles nor accounts for any achievements that culminated in the Bourbon restoration. As most studies of the émigrés have focused on their support of counter- revolution, the influence of the French presence in Britain on the traditional rivals’ diplomacy requires a deeper investigation. Indeed, not only was Britain the main stop en route to America, it also welcomed between twenty and forty thousand émigrés, among whom were France’s next three kings, several future prime ministers and many literary figures.11 This presence, and its impact on both sides, is at the heart of my thesis: an investigation of the influence of the various émigré groups on Franco-British relations from 1789 to the early years of the Second Restoration. Did leading émigré figures knowingly follow a policy intended to foster a lasting alliance with Britain? Did they change British attitudes towards France? Finally, to what extent did “personal links at senior levels” affect diplomatic relations? My research aims to answer these questions by exploring the émigrés’ social and political interactions with the British public and government. The relationship that developed, I will demonstrate, set patterns for future Franco-British interaction. To begin the analysis, my introduction will provide a brief overview of Franco-British relations in the period preceding the Revolution, present a general background for the emigration, and then situate it within major works of Revolutionary historiography. After the