EQUATORIAL GUINEA 1927-1979: A NEW AFRICAN TRADITION ENRIQUE S. OKENVE-MARTÍNEZ PhD HISTORY 1 Abstract This work focuses on the history of the Fang people of Equatorial Guinea between 1927 and 1979 in an effort to shed some light on the so-called process of retraditionalization that African societies have been undergoing for the last three decades. Contrary to those views that expected that independence would consolidate the process of modernization initiated by colonialism, many African countries, including Equatorial Guinea, have seen how traditional structures have gained ground ever since. This process is often explained as a result of the so-called crisis of modernity. It is argued that, due to the instability provoked by rapid modernization and the failure of modern structures, Africans are recovering their old ways in search for solutions. This explanation, however, stands against those views that considered that colonial conquest put an end to African traditional systems. This thesis argues that, although traditions are certainly back, this is, in fact, a new phenomenon, which started with the advent of colonial conquest. This work shows how colonial structures and the changes that followed resulted in the collapse of the traditional social model. In response to such situation, a new socio-cultural tradition, rooted in the old one, took form – being the development of modern Fang identity its most salient element. Research specifically focuses on transformations in authority, religious beliefs and identity, as well as their relationship. Much emphasis is put on the historicity of the process, covering three main historical stages such as the second half of the nineteenth century, the period of colonial conquest and domination between the 1910s and 1968, and the aftermath of independence between 1968 and 1979. This work does not only examine a peculiar colonial model, the Spanish, on which very little has been written, but also an African society that the English language literature has largely ignored. In so doing, research has relied on both oral sources and documents. Interviews were conducted in Equatorial Guinea. Archival sources were examined both in Alacalá de Henares (Madrid), where Spain’s public records are based, and Rome, where part of the documents of the Claretian missionary order can be found. 2 CONTENTS Introduction 13 1. The Sanaga-Ogowe Tradition 25 Byá tsia’a: “our tradition” 26 Mitok or the great migrations 31 Mvók-e’bot or the village of people 45 Mínnama or the eyes of the village 55 Melăn or “god below” 65 2. The “Death” of the Old Tradition 86 The last migration 87 The “peaceful” penetration 96 From mínnama to district officer 112 From mvók to state 124 3. Spain’s Last Crusade 142 The quest for a colonial policy 143 Paternalism for social transformation 157 Arrested economic transformation 174 “Under the divine sign of the cross” 184 4. Searching for a New Tradition 203 When Melăn left: Christianity and witchcraft on the rise 205 Keeping matters inside the village 228 The children of Afri Kara begin their journey 239 5. The Fang Find “Modernity” 260 Christianity holds sway 261 It is the state that matters: the decline of village autonomy 277 The Fang complete their journey 285 The double realm: between tradition and modernity 295 So we can live like whites: the end of colonial rule 303 6. The New Tradition Takes over, 1968-1979 318 The short-lived independence 320 The political crisis 324 The economic breakdown 336 Bi ne bon be’fang: we are Fang 347 Black man only does witchcraft 356 Conclusion 372 3 LIST OF MAPS AND PHOTOGRAPHS Maps 1. Map of Río Muni indicating areas where fieldwork was conducted 23 2. Map of Central Africa indicating some of the areas where the Sanaga-Ogowe migration might have originated 40 3. Map of Sanaga-Ogowe dialectal groups 44 4. Map of Spain’s historical claims in Africa 98 5. Colonial administrative map of Río Muni 160 Photographs 1. Modern-day abáá 47 2. Melăn statue 75 3. Ngíí mask 75 4. Spanish trader buying ebony from Sanaga-Ogowe individuals 89 5. Ngón-Ntángán mask 90 6. Portrayal of a Pamue ‘cannibal’ in La Guinea Española 94 7. Sanaga-Ogowe inhabitants of San José de Banapá (Bioko) 101 8. Sanaga-Ogowe nkúkúma and his family 123 9. Sanaga-Ogowe nkúkúma and his wives 123 10. First Bata-Mikomeseng road 135 11. Modern-day village 136 12. Colonial Guard 163 13. Africans giving the fascist salute before a sport event 170 14. African and Spanish children receiving militia-styled instruction 170 15. Cocoa plantation in Fernando Po 175 16. Africans rolling trees in the forest 179 17. Africans using watercourse to transport trees 179 18. Africans building road as part of prestación personal 184 19. Sanaga-Ogowe women working in their farm 188 20. Young African women being taught to embroider by Spanish nuns 188 21. Africans carrying a Virgin Mary statue during religious procession 194 4 22. Old Catholic Missionary station of Cabo San Juan (Río Muni) 207 23. First Catholic missionary station of Nkue (Río Muni) 207 24. Spanish priest crossing a Río Muni river on boat 219 25. Spanish priest baptizing an African in Río Muni 219 26. River Ntem, border between Río Muni and Cameroon 246 27. River Kie, eastern border between Río Muni and Gabon 246 28. Fang dance 271 29. Fang dance 271 30. African priest administering communion 273 31. Marcelo Ndongo Mba, one of my informants 282 32. River Wele, dividing Río Muni in north and south 293 33. Spanish woman being disembarked on a chair 300 34. 1968 front page of the Spanish newspaper ABC with the three presidential candidates 321 35. Macías Nguema in front of the Presidential Palace 333 36. Fang women walking to their farms 346 37. Villagers in an abáá of Mikomeseng, present-day 355 38. Equatorial Guinean priest administering the first communion, Bata 364 39. Mvók-e’bot about to be blessed by their elders, Beayop 364 40. Ndong Mba performing in a village of Mikomeseng, Beayop 365 41. Mvét singer in a village of Evinayong 365 42. Rudimentary bridge across a stream in Mikomeseng 376 5 – Wă só ma dze? – Mă só wă nlân 6 Acknowledgements For anybody ever involved in a research project of this nature, the first thing that one learns is that this is a lonely task. Long gone are the days in which going to college was very much a socializing experience. In addition to the solitude, one also learns to work on a long-term project, the rewards of which, being blurred by the distance, look everything but encouraging. This type of work, however, consists of numerous stages in which one comes across many challenges and, more importantly, numerous people. After almost five years of work, I am totally aware that this project would not have been possible, had it not been for those who, at different times, offered me their collaboration and support. In this respect, this is not an individual work even though, in the end, I am the one who, for better or for worse, takes full responsibility for its contents. At the genesis of this work is the Equatorial Guinean people. This project was born out of the necessity to understand a reality that, very often, seems to overcome us, while we are unable to provide adequate responses. It was clear to me that Equatorial Guineans should play an important role in this work and their voices should, somehow, be heard. In spite of all the warnings I received about reluctance and lack of cooperation, I must say that it is difficult to remember a case in which somebody refused to lend me part of his or her time to sit down and talk – sometimes for up to four hours. For this, I am forever indebted to all of them, the interviewees and the non-interviewees. They shared their memories, their knowledge and their company; I did enjoy all of it. I can only hope that this work can reward them, because, in a way, they symbolize the voices and faces of an Equatorial Guinea that we ourselves often ignore and are unaware of. 7 Looking back, I realize that most memories of this project are associated with my family. Inspiration, support, comfort… all this I found in them. Those close to me can understand how much I owe to my family because, without them, this work would never exist. It would not be fair to name each of you. In addition to making this an endless list, I would run the risk of leaving some of you aside. In Equatorial Guinea, in Spain and in Jamaica: akíba, gracias and thank you. Five years leaves room for all kind of experiences and moods. Throughout this time, Dr. John Parker, my supervisor, and I have shared and, at times, suffered many of them. In spite of everything, we stayed together, we got the work done, and the friendship survived. It has been a learning experience and, if I am a better scholar, it is, to a great extent, thanks to his teachings. Finally, I want to express my gratitude to the School of Oriental and African studies for recognizing the value of this project and offering me the financial support I needed to make this project a reality. 8 Note on Spelling Fang or Beti languages are spoken, in multiple variations and dialects, across most of southern Cameroon, northern and Central Gabon, Río Muni and the northwestern corner of the Republic of Congo. Although mutually understandable, the languages both lack a standardized and written version, and it is always difficult to decide how to best transcribe Fang-Beti vocabulary.