Großbritannien-Zentrum/ Centre for British Studies Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin Mohrenstraße 60 10117 Berlin Term: Summer 2015 Supervisor: Dr Adrian Wilding M.B.S. Thesis Anti-Austerity Movements in the UK Developments in Popular Protest and the Impact of the New Media Clara Mehring Röntgenstraße 7 10587 Berlin [email protected] Matriculation Number: 553170 Date: 14 July 2015 Contents List of Abbreviations .................................................................................................. 3 1. Introduction ..................................................................................................... 4 2. Anti-Politics in an Age of Austerity: Paving the Way to a New Politics? 10 2.1. Austerity Bites: Socio-economic and Political Effects ................................... 11 2.2. A Disenchanted Public: Spectators, Not Activists? ........................................ 16 3. New Social Movements: A Framework for Popular Protest ..................... 21 4. Contemporary Anti-Austerity Protests in the UK ..................................... 26 4.1. UK Uncut ........................................................................................................ 26 4.2. Occupy London ............................................................................................... 33 4.3. People’s Assembly Against Austerity ............................................................. 39 4.4. Evaluation: A New Politics Revisited ............................................................. 45 4.4.1. Staying Power and Prospects for a Unified Movement .................................. 45 4.4.2. NSM Influence on Political and Corporate Elites ........................................... 50 5. The New Media: Transforming Popular Protest? ..................................... 55 5.1. Developments and Tensions: The ‘New’ and the ‘Old’ Media ...................... 56 5.2. Changing the World with a Simple Click? ...................................................... 61 5.3. “The Revolution Will Be Tweeted”: Of Net Delusions and Bridging Gaps ... 66 6. Conclusion – New Old Politics? ................................................................... 73 Statutory Declaration ............................................................................................... 77 Bibliography ............................................................................................................. 78 Appendix: Occupy London Twitter Data .............................................................. 98 2 List of Abbreviations BBC British Broadcasting Corporation DDoS Distributed denial-of-service EU European Union FBI Federal Bureau of Investigation FTT Financial Transaction Tax GA General Assembly HM Her Majesty’s HMRC Her Majesty’s Revenue and Customs ICT Information and Communication Technology IFS Institute of Fiscal Studies IMF International Monetary Fund IPPR Institute for Public Policy Research ITN Independent Television News LGTBQ Lesbian, Gay, Transgender, Bisexual and Queer. MP Member of Parliament NGO Non-Governmental Organisation NSM New Social Movement OECD Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development ONS Office for National Statistics OWS Occupy Wall Street OxIs Oxford Internet Surveys SNP Scottish National Party STV Scottish Television TTIP Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership UK United Kingdom US United States WEF World Economic Forum 3 1. Introduction This is the spectre that now looms large, that has now exited the shadows to enter the limelight; no more is it sat behind its PC, tweeting alone. A mega-underground is reshaping the overground, haunting it globally […] to form dissenting crowds in urban public space. (Merrifield 2012: 280) Under the slogan “We are the 99%”, a handful of activists gathered at Wall Street, the heart of America’s financial universe, on 17 September 2011. Within a month, num- bers were in the tens of thousands, people around the world connecting via social media and taking to the streets to voice their anger against austerity policies, corporate greed and the global financial system (Adam 2011). No longer a spectre, anti-austerity movements became reality all over the globe. Indeed, pro-democracy and anti-austerity new social movements (NSMs), i.e. groups, organisations or ideologies that operate outside of the traditional political sys- tem, have transcended national boundaries (Della Porta and Mattoni 2014; Cohen and Kennedy 2013): At the end of 2008, Iceland was the first country to be hit with the financial crisis’ effects and subsequent protests, followed by general strikes and trade union action in Ireland. Dissent sprung up in the Intifadas1in 2010, a wave of non- violent and violent action against oppressive rule in the Arab world – commonly re- ferred to as Arab Spring. 2011 was marked by Geração à Rasca2 demonstrations in Portugal and the Indignados3 movement in Spain which inspired mobilisations in Greece, occupations in the US, Turkey, the UK, Bulgaria, Brazil and Bosnia – a list that is in no way exhaustive. While recognising that the majority of these protests are separate in terms of time, space and individual national context, recent studies cluster especially European manifestations. They are seen as a “transnational” (Della Porta and Mattoni 2014: 1) response to the deterioration of the welfare state, fiscal policy and political mismanagement of one of the world’s biggest recessions to date – an anti-austerity movement that challenges economic, social or geographical inequalities and margin- alisation caused by neo-liberal policies. In the UK, party membership and election turnouts show long-term declines while support for NSMs has increased – a develop- ment that seems to be propelled by widespread disillusionment over austerity policies implemented since the 2008 financial crisis. 1 Arabic intifāḍa for “an uprising”. 2 Portuguese for “struggling generation”. 3 Spanish for “outraged”. 4 “We are all in this together” has been a dominant catchphrase in British political discourse ever since the first austerity announcements. However, continuous confron- tation with negative news coverage of political and corporate elites puts the integrity of offices and corporatism in question – more visible than ever since the 2009 MPs scandal around the exploitation of parliamentary allowances and the exposure of high- risk practices in the financial sector leading up to the financial crisis: “Journalists stand accused of phone hacking, NHS managers are guilty of putting corporate self-interest and cost control ahead of patients, MPs are under a cloud for their expenses and bank- ers have been fiddling the Libor rate. Welcome to Bent Britain” (Cameron 2013). If not proof, then the fact that some of the largest demonstrations in UK history took place at the beginning of the 21st century, notable here certainly the 2010 student pro- tests in reaction to 80 per cent cuts in higher education and tuition subsidies, indicates increasing discontent with the status quo. Moreover, dwindling trust in political elites and other power holders have wider implications, especially when the number of people participating in different forms of protest action against the government has almost doubled since 1986 (Seymour 2013). Indeed, some academics suggest that the UK is experiencing a “democratic malaise” (Smith 2009: 263), at least with traditional politics. The increasing number of citizens identifying and engaging with the anti-aus- terity agenda outside of formal politics then might be a sign that NSMs are reshaping politics – or, at any rate, shift political participation to avenues outside of formal politics. The concept of austerity – in economic terms the policy of reduced government spending to shrink budget deficits – is certainly widely disputed, not only by NSM groups that advocate for alternatives or by those perceived to be most directly affected by its adverse effects. Whereas supporters argue that “austerity based on appropriate spending cuts is the best way to reduce a country’s public debt burden” (Alesina and de Rugy 2013), leading economists contend that public stimulus in the form of in- creased state expenditure would have achieved more preferable results for the UK’s economy than the course taken in recent years (Krugman 2012; Stiglitz 2014; Blanch- flower 2015). Crucially, authorities like the International Monetary Fund (IMF) by now share this latter view, with IMF chief economist Olivier Blanchard acknowledg- ing that negative austerity effects were underestimated and that “efforts among wealthy countries to shrink their deficits – through tax hikes and spending cuts – have been causing far more economic damage than experts had assumed” (Plumer 2012). 5 The pervasive narrative of austerity as economic necessity has been extensively challenged by NSMs and although approaches vary from moderate to radical across the landscape of austerity protests, two broad trends in British anti-austerity responses can currently be distinguished. The former is embodied by movement groups like UK Uncut or the People’s Assembly Against Austerity. Social and economic issues are perceived as symptoms of a malfunctioning taxation and a restrictive welfare system. Increased spending is regarded as indispensable for economic growth. As Wilding pur- ports, “theirs can be defined as a broadly Keynesian response to austerity” (2014: 1, original emphasis), the understanding being that government intervention through sub- sidies is envisioned to stabilise the economy