ORE Open Research Exeter TITLE Camels out of place and time: The dromedary (Camelus dromedarius) in Australia AUTHORS Crowley, SL JOURNAL Anthrozoos DEPOSITED IN ORE 25 April 2018 This version available at http://hdl.handle.net/10871/32609 COPYRIGHT AND REUSE Open Research Exeter makes this work available in accordance with publisher policies. A NOTE ON VERSIONS The version presented here may differ from the published version. If citing, you are advised to consult the published version for pagination, volume/issue and date of publication 1 Camels Out of Place and Time: The Dromedary (Camelus dromedarius) in 2 Australia 3 Sarah L Crowley, Environment and Sustainability Institute, University of Exeter, 4 Penryn Campus, Penryn, Cornwall TR10 9FE, UK. E-mail: [email protected] 5 6 Abstract 7 The deserts of the Australian outback are ideal territories for dromedary camels, 8 Camelus dromedarius. Dromedaries’ flexible adaptations allow them to eat 80% of 9 Australian plant species and they obtain much of their water through ingesting 10 vegetation; they thrive where other species perish. In many ways, the dromedary 11 could be said to “belong” in this harsh environment. Yet for numerous Australians, 12 particularly ranchers, conservation managers, and increasingly local and national 13 governments, camels are perceived as pests and unwelcome invaders. Anthropologists 14 studying human classifications of nonhuman animals have suggested that those 15 species or populations that fail to fit neatly into existing classification systems come 16 to be considered “out of place,” particularly when they enter human domains or 17 disturb existing perceptual boundaries of environmental order. Through exploring and 18 analyzing academic, government, and media publications, this review proposes that 19 today’s Australian dromedaries exemplify “animals out of place” and discusses how 20 and why they have developed this status. It is further suggested that in addition to 21 being classified as “out of place” in Australia, the dromedary has also become “out of 22 time,” as its classification has transformed with temporal shifts in human 23 circumstances, cultural values, and worldviews. 24 25 Keywords: Australia, camels, culture, environment, feral, invasive 1 26 27 The deserts of the Australian outback are perfectly suited for one-humped dromedary 28 camels, Camelus dromedarius. The camel’s adaptations to arid environments include 29 a powerful ability to conserve water and a highly flexible diet; camels can eat 80% of 30 Australian vegetation (Saaldfeld and Edwards 2008) and obtain much of their water 31 through the plants they consume, allowing them to thrive where other species perish 32 (Irwin 2009). In many ways, the camel could be said to belong in this environment, 33 perhaps even more so than many native species; few other mammals survive, for 34 example, in the harsh Simpson Desert (Berra 1998). Yet, for many Australians, 35 notably ranchers (Zeng and Edwards 2008a), conservation managers (Zeng and 36 Edwards 2008b), some Aboriginal communities (Vaarzon-Morel 2008), and local and 37 national governments, camels are increasingly perceived as pests, vermin, and 38 unwelcome “invaders” (e.g., ABC News 2007; PM 2008; Australian Government 39 2010). The current population estimate stands at 1,000,000 individuals, but has varied 40 widely over the past decade (Al-Mansoori 2004; Saaldfeld and Edwards 2008). As 41 their population burgeons, camels encroach more frequently upon human settlements 42 and agricultural lands, raising their media profile and increasing local animosity 43 toward them. 44 45 Following Lévi-Strauss’ assertion that animals are “good to think [with]” (1969, p. 46 162), structuralist approaches toward human perceptions of animals often consider 47 how different cultures classify nonhumans (Knight 2000). Mary Douglas, in her 48 influential book Purity and Danger, suggested that those substances classified as 49 “dirt” or “pollution” can often be understood as “matter out of place” (1966, p. 35); 50 for example, soil becomes “dirt” when it is brought inside a human home. Douglas 2 51 explored this concept in terms of food taboos, using the animals forbidden in the 52 Biblical Book of Leviticus as an example. She proposed that ambiguous species 53 (those which fail to fit neatly into classification systems) become pollutants and 54 therefore taboo. John Knight (2000) developed this concept by suggesting that pest 55 species become “animals out of place” when they encroach upon human domains or 56 disturb human perceptual boundaries of “environmental order” (2000, p. 14). Some 57 species achieve this status by physically crossing physical or symbolic human 58 boundaries. For example, rodents entering human homes become inedible pollutants 59 (Fiddes 1991) and hyenas disturbing gravesites are thought to desecrate areas of 60 symbolic importance (Glickman 1995). These concepts all have relevance to camels, 61 whose transgressive status is increasingly problematic in Australia. In this review I 62 suggest that today’s Australian dromedaries exemplify “animals out of place” and 63 attempt to identify how and why they have developed this status. I also propose that 64 the camel is not only increasingly considered “out of place” in Australia, but also “out 65 of time,” as its classification and treatment have transformed in concordance with 66 temporal shifts in human circumstances, cultural values, and worldviews. 67 68 The Camel in Australia 69 When the camel was first brought to Australia in the 1800s, the country was in the 70 midst of a flurry of colonial activity, including numerous attempts to explore the “Red 71 Centre” (McKnight 1969; Al-Mansoori 2004; Irwin 2009). Camels were recognized 72 by pioneers as the most appropriate mode of transport for the challenging 73 environment they were attempting to traverse; they require significantly less water, 74 feed on a wider variety of vegetation, and are capable of carrying heavier loads than 75 horses and donkeys (Vaarzon-Morel and Edwards 2010). Dromedaries (primarily 3 76 managed by west Asian immigrants who were familiar with their husbandry) were 77 therefore highly influential in the establishment of Australia’s modern infrastructure, 78 notably the laying of the Darwin–Adelaide Overland Telegraph Line and the 79 construction of the Transnational Railway (Irwin 2009). Once this infrastructure was 80 in place, however, and motorized transport became increasingly widespread, camels 81 were no longer indispensible. In the early part of the 20th century they rapidly lost 82 their economic value and their displaced handlers either shot their wards or released 83 them into the outback (Al-Mansoori 2004, Jones and Kenny 2010). In 1925, South 84 Australia introduced the “Camels Destruction Act,” permitting landowners to shoot 85 loose dromedaries on private land. 86 87 In the following years, Australia’s remaining camels effectively faded into the desert, 88 and away from human society, for the first time in hundreds of years. In 1969 89 McKnight noted that, “The Australian camel is a vague element in Australian 90 consciousness … only a small proportion realizes that feral camels exist today in large 91 numbers” (1969, p. 122). Their re-emergence into the Australian cognizance 92 coincided only with times of drought, when thirsty dromedaries congregated at water 93 sources, often the same places humans had chosen to settle (McKnight 1976). It was 94 not until the 1980s that surveys of Australia’s interior hinted at the true extent of the 95 camel’s population growth and only in 2001 that reports of damage caused by camels 96 were brought to the general populace (Vaarzon-Morel and Edwards 2010). In 2006, 97 severe drought caused hundreds of camels to arrive at the town of Dockers River, an 98 event that received considerable media attention and arguably inspired current 99 attempts to manage the population. Over the past decade, media coverage regarding 100 free-roaming camels has increased and has remained predominantly negative. 4 101 102 The Australian deserts are climactically comparable with the camel’s presumed 103 “EEA” (Environment of Evolutionary Adaptation, most likely the desert areas of the 104 Middle East: Bulliet 1985, 2005; Clutton-Brock 1987). As the Australian desert 105 parallels the arid environments dromedaries evolved to exploit, it is unsurprising that 106 they have flourished there. To the outsider, therefore, it might seem that rather than 107 being “out of place,” the camel is very much in place in Australia; indeed, the outback 108 supports the only known wild population of dromedary camels in the world 109 (Simberloff and Rejmánek 2011). Yet over the past decade, the camel has become a 110 source of contention and debate in Australian discourse (e.g., Malkin 2009; 111 Everingham 2009; Gabbatt 2009; Henderson 2009), primarily following well- 112 publicized concerns about the economic and environmental damage caused to 113 property and land by large numbers of “uncontrolled” camels (Edwards et al. 2008). 114 Whilst most agree that the Australian camel now requires management, there remains 115 debate as to how this should be implemented long-term, particularly between those 116 who would cull the camels and those who wish to see them farmed for meat or 117 mustered and exported to interested nations, particularly in the Middle East (see 118 Theodoulou 2010; Wills 2011). As of September 2012, the Australian Feral Camel 119 Management Project (AFCMP) had reduced numbers by 100,000 since its 120 implementation and continues to cull at a rate of 75,000 camels per year (The 121 Telegraph 2012; AFCMP 2012). 122 123 Camels Out of Place 124 Physical Transgressions 5 125 Dromedaries are on average six feet tall at the shoulder (Irwin 2009), diminishing 126 somewhat the effectiveness of cattle fencing as an obstacle to their movement. By 127 some accounts, camels may not even see small fences and consequently walk straight 128 through them (McKnight 1976; PM 2008).