Document generated on 09/27/2021 1:13 a.m. Urban History Review Revue d'histoire urbaine She's No Lady: The Experience and Expression of Gender among Halifax Women Taxi Drivers since World War II Kimberly Berry Volume 27, Number 1, October 1998 Article abstract "She's No Lady" explores the complex relationship between gender identity URI: https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1016610ar and work culture as experienced by women taxi drivers in Halifax. Working in DOI: https://doi.org/10.7202/1016610ar a traditionally male industry, women taxi drivers often attract the attention of the press and the public as an amusing novelty or a scandalous disgrace. These See table of contents reactions are, in part, the result of the popular perception that masculine and feminine domain are mutually exclusive, restricted to men and women separately and respectively. Furthermore, characterized as highly competitive, Publisher(s) independent operators in a dangerous industry, taxi drivers embody a popular image of masculinity. While the place of women is generally considered to be Urban History Review / Revue d'histoire urbaine outside of masculine culture, women taxi drivers demonstrate the fluidity of gender cultures as they adeptly navigate the contested terrain of their ISSN masculine work-culture. Despite the routine comments and questions from passengers and colleagues alike, most women drivers find a considerable 0703-0428 (print) degree of membership within the larger community of drivers, and in this 1918-5138 (digital) sense become "one of the men"; seen first as taxi drivers and then women. Explore this journal Cite this article Berry, K. (1998). She's No Lady: The Experience and Expression of Gender among Halifax Women Taxi Drivers since World War II. Urban History Review / Revue d'histoire urbaine, 27(1), 23–35. https://doi.org/10.7202/1016610ar All Rights Reserved © Urban History Review / Revue d'histoire urbaine, 1999 This document is protected by copyright law. Use of the services of Érudit (including reproduction) is subject to its terms and conditions, which can be viewed online. https://apropos.erudit.org/en/users/policy-on-use/ This article is disseminated and preserved by Érudit. Érudit is a non-profit inter-university consortium of the Université de Montréal, Université Laval, and the Université du Québec à Montréal. Its mission is to promote and disseminate research. https://www.erudit.org/en/ She's No Lady: The Experience and Expression of Gender among Halifax Women Taxi Drivers since World War H Kimberly Berry Abstract: Driver", staring Robert Di Niro. Given the very early and power• "She's No Lady" explores the complex relationship ful gender-typing of the automobile itself as a "masculine" 1 between gender identity and work culture as experienced machine, taxi driving has long seemed a quintessential^ by women taxi drivers in Halifax. Working in a tradition• "male" occupation. Yet this job consists of low-paid service ally male industry, women taxi drivers often attract the work. Is that not women's traditional lot in Canadian society? attention of the press and the public as an amusing nov• Should it be surprising, then, that this "masculine" trade has elty or a scandalous disgrace. These reactions are, in long had women workers? There were female cab drivers in part, the result of the popular perception that masculine Europe's metropolises before 1910, and by World War I they and feminine domain are mutually exclusive, restricted were popping up in Canadian cities as well, typically as jitney to men and women separately and respectively.Further- drivers. The 1931 Canadian census records 12 women "chauf• more, characterized as highly competitive, independent feurs and bus drivers", a category which likely includes taxi driv• operators in a dangerous industry, taxi drivers embody ers. The 1941 census documents 42 women "chauffeurs and 3 a popular image of masculinity. While the place of taxi drivers". Recent estimates of women taxi drivers in Mon• women is generally considered to be outside of masculine treal and Toronto indicate that the percentage of women drivers culture, women taxi drivers demonstrate the fluidity of remains small. Montreal's Bureau de Taxi estimates 400 women gender cultures as they adeptly navigate the contested with taxi permits. The Metropolitan Licensing commission of 4 terrain of their masculine work-culture. Despite the rou• Toronto estimates 30 women cab drivers. A survey of the tine comments and questions from passengers and col• names of Halifax taxi drivers licensed in 1994 indicates that 5 leagues alike, most women drivers find a considerable less than 3% were women. Canada's women cab drivers have degree of membership within the larger community of not, however, found their historian. This is unsurprising, given drivers, and in this sense become "one of the men"; seen how little has been written about Canadian taxis and their driv• 6 first as taxi drivers and then women. ers, as well as the paucity of written records. Indeed, to write the history of those Canadian women who took up taxi-work, it 7 Résumé: is essential to use oral history. « Ce n'est pas une femme » étudie la relation complexe en• This paper is based largely on the information gathered through tre l'identité sexuelle et la culture de travail chez les oral interviews. Twenty five Halifax taxi drivers have been inter• chauffeuses de taxi de Halifax. Travaillant dans un sec• viewed.8 Among them, there are twelve women drivers. The teur habituellement réservé aux hommes, les chauffeuses drivers interviewed include David "Darky" Maclnnes who drove de taxi attirent souvent l'attention de la presse et du pu• taxi from 1941 until the mid 1990s; however, most of the women blic qui les voient comme une nouveauté amusante ou un interviewed began driving during the 1970s and 1980s. Inevita• véritable scandale. On peut en partie attribuer ces réac• bly, the story here is most accurate for the 1980s, but the writ• tions à l'opinion généralement admise qu'il existe des do• ten record shows that Halifax's taxi business has changed little maines exclusivement réservés les uns aux hommes et les since the 1940's. The number of company cars has declined, autres aux femmes. En outre, étant des entrepreneurs in• and fewer drivers now work on commission than was the case dépendants dans une industrie dangereuse et extrême• in the immediate postwar era. Renting on a percentage basis ment compétitive, les chauffeurs de taxi représentent, was more common in the 1950's and 1960's, as were "Com• pour le commun des mortels, l'image même de la masculi• pany cars" owned by the brokers. However, the industry in Hali• nité. Même si on considère en général que la femme n'a fax has been moving increasingly since the 1960's toward the pas sa place dans la culture réservée aux hommes, les owner-operator model that is predominate in the 1980s and chauffeuses de taxi, qui naviguent avec brio sur les 1990s, but otherwise the industry has stayed in the same « eaux territoriales masculines »,font la preuve de la flui• groove. Similarly, despite some variation in the structural nature dité de la culture des sexes. En dépit des habituels com• of the industry, the fundamental occupational experience and mentaires des collègues de travail et des questions work culture is similar in all Canadian cities. Therefore, many of répétitives de leurs passagers, la plupart des femmes qui the insights provided by these drivers can be applied to the ont embrassé ce métier éprouvent un véritable sentiment entire postwar era. d'appartenance à la grande confrérie des chauffeurs. En ce sens, elles sont considérées d'abord comme « des gars The experience of women cab drivers in Halifax during the post• de la gang » et ensuite comme des femmes. war period offers a valuable insight into the gendered nature of the taxi business. How drivers have been seen as within the context of the masculine car culture. How women have success• Taxi driver. This job title conjures up two powerful sets of fully navigated the gendered terrain of their work culture and images: of mean streets and urban alienation, and of indepen• managed to fit within the masculine culture of taxi drivers. Their dent, macho males, a sort of urban "cowboy". These images experience offers insight into why the numbers of women driv• emerge in popular culture portrayals of taxi drivers, such as ers have remained consistently low by illustrating some of the Harry Chapin's 1972 song, "Taxi", and the 1976 film "Taxi overt and subtle methods of sex discrimination encountered 23 Urban History Review / Revue d'histoire urbaine Vol. XXVII, No. 1 (October, 1998) She's No Lady within the industry and illustrates some of the methods that I would work generally from 7 in the morning, I'd come home women have used to overcome the barriers of a gendered work 4 in the afternoon. I'd stay home until 6, then I'd go out again culture and make their way inside as accepted and valued [at] 6 and I'd work until 11. then I'd come home. Fridays,... members of the group. now I had two young daughters and we decided that because of the hours I was working ... I gave my family There have been several ways in which Halifax taximen everything, except what they really needed and that was regarded their trade as masculine. First of all, they worked for myself.10 themselves, choosing their hours of work and — to a surprising degree for the second half of the 20th century — conditions of employment. [They are in effect sub-contractors, especially Effort and skill is measured in the amount of money they earn those who rent out their own cab.] Second, they considered and the skill with which they ply their trade.