Notes CHAPTER I 1. George Lichtheim, Imperialism (New York, 1971), p. s. 2. Ibid., p. 6. 3. For example pax Romana embodied these ideas. This conception of a single empire wielding authority over the world did not disappear with the fall of Rome- it survived all the fluctuations of the Holy Roman Empire. And in later ages this dream of a universal empire animated the policies of Peter the Great, Catherine and Napoleon. The idea of a universal empire was not confmed to the West alone- witness the Chinese, Byzantine or Arab empires; and political philosophers in many ages- Confucius, Dante, Machiavelli, Vico, Kant- have speculated on the concept. 4· A. P. Thornton, The Imperial Idea and its Enemies (London, 1966), p. ix. It may be observed that the imperial idea, though admirable in certain ways, was strongly tinged with a belief in the racial and cultural superiority of the white man. However, at that time this superiority was taken for granted- it was sanctioned by social, anthropological, and even religious attitudes. The upholders of this idea were often not guilty of any hypocrisy- they really believed that they were bringing progress to Asia or Africa by ruling it. s. The days of the Company's rule (except for Bentinck's viceroyalty) are a nightmarish record of unscrupulous plundering by a joint-stock company. Fabulous fortunes were made in a short time by individuals as well who returned to England as self-styled nabobs. Clive himself, who started with nothing, returned home with quarter of a million pounds and an Indian estate. The frequent famines of Bengal, the richest province oflndia before the takeover by the Company, were a direct result of British looting. 6. James Mill, History of British India (London, 1820), V, 416. 7. India was seen by these thinkers as a tabula rasa where they could freely experiment with their social or religious theories, which could not be done at home because of the conservatism of British life. The reformers of the early nineteenth century did not assess correctly the problems and institutions oflndia. See Francis G. Hutchins, The Illusion of Permanence (Princeton, 1967). 8. Lord Curzon, Speech in Bombay, 16 November 1905. See George Bennett (ed.), The Concept of Empire: Burke to Attlee, 1774-1947 (London, 1953), p. 105. 9. Jawaharlal Nehru, Autobiography (London, 1936), p. 438. 1 o. For a full treatment of this subject see Thornton, The Imperial Idea and its Enemies. 1 1. Changes in anthropological thinking introduced by Malinowski radically altered the nineteenth-century image of the so-called 'primitive' people. A primitive society was no longer assigned its appropriate niche in the world order. The modem approach to an alien experience is 'what does it mean to them?' not 105 106 Chronicles of the Raj 'how strange it seems to me'. Hence the whole notion of the 'civilised' and 'non­ civilised' societies was demolished. The influence of these new ideas in literature may be seen in the post-I9I4 novels. D. H. Lawrence, for example, gives considerable significance to the symbolism of colours in Aztec ritual, whereas earlier writers had dismissed face-painting as hideous distortions. See Brian V. Street, The Savage in Literature (London, I975), pp. I- I7. I2. For example, in his study of Anglo-Indian fiction, Bhupal Singh lists sixteen pages containing over a thousand titles of works on India and this covers only the period to the mid-I930s. See his A Survey of Anglo-Indian Fiction (London, I934). For Anglo-Indian fiction from mid-I930s to the present time, see bibliography at the end of this study. The Book Review Digest, which lists books according to their locale, may also be helpful. I 3· It must be noted here that imperialism is not central to Kipling's vision, and that it is modified by his concern with what he calls 'the Law' as well as his curious love-hate relationship with India. Kipling was not a diehard, jingo imperialist or a mere propagandist of the British Empire, though my catalogue of the stock images oflndia in his works may lead one to believe so. One has to consider in historical perspective both Kipling's concern with a moral responsibility of the empire-builder and his bitter diatribes against his countrymen, in order to form a proper estimate of his imperial philosophy. See my book Kipling's 'Law': A Study of his Philosophy of Life (London, I975). For a detailed treatment of British images of India see Allen J. Greenberger, The British Image of India: A Study in the Literature of Imperialism, 1880-1960 (London, I969). I 4· The nineteenth-century Rousseauistic image of primitive man as a sort of noble savage had something to do with this attitude. I 5. The Writings in Prose and Verse of Rudyard Kipling, 'Outward Bound Edition', 36 vols (New York, I897- I937), I, 88. Subsequent references to Kipling's works, unless otherwise indicated, will be to this edition. I6. The Definitive Edition of Rudyard Kipling's Verse (London, I954), p. 323· Hereafter referred to as DE. 'The White Man's Burden' was published in I899 on the eve of the American occupation of the Philippines, and was intended to remind them of their responsibilities. I7. The question of Kipling's racism must be seen in relation to Darwinian anthropology as well as in the attitude of his contemporaries. Henty or Buchan, for example, are outright racists who do not see any saving grace in the natives. On the other hand, Kipling's approach is not simplistic. Often Kipling recognises native qualities or even native superiority over the English, particularly in matters of religion. His Gunga Din is better than a white man; his Fuzzy Wuzzy are superior to the Tommies; and Kamal's son, though a free­ booter, is worthy of our admiration. And then there is the Lama in Kim who puts a lie to Kipling's so-called racism. The above-quoted line from 'Recessional' should be read within the context of his philosophy oflaw (which is a principle of order on both external and internal levels) as well as the deep note of humility which marks the whole poem. Moreover, it may also be kept in mind that Kipling's race-consciousness was a natural result of his stay in India, which is the home of diverse races and creeds. I 8. Louis Cornell, Kipling in India (London, I966), p. 3. I9. However, this story is also designed to show that the empire-builder has a moral Notes 107 responsibility to his subjects and that he would lose his empire if he neglects his duty. 20. For a full discussion of this point see Hutchins. pp. 65-78. Sexual depravity was particularly ascribed to climate though Englishmen were not prepared to concede that Indian residence increased their own sexual appetites. Here colour came to their rescue; the dark races were supposed to have sexual inclinations unknown to Europeans. 2 I. The pro-Muslim attitude that is dominant in English writings on India was based on a number of other factors. Islam sprang from the Judaeo-Christian tradition; Muslims, like the British, came as conquerors to India; they had a tradition of discipline and action; and they were more or less free from the caste system and social evils of Hindus. These were the major elements which appealed to the British. 22. Hutchins, p. I87. 23. Rudyard Kipling, 'The Council of the Gods', Pioneer, I8 February I888. 24. For example, as soon as the English Collector leaves Tibasu in 'His Chance in Life', the town plunges into chaos: ' ... hearing nothing of the Collector-Sahib for some time ... Hindus and Mohammadans together raised an aimless sort of Donnybrook just to see how far they could go. They looted each other's shops, and paid off private grudges in the regular way.' (I, 88-9) 25. Hutchins, p. I86. 26. In a revealing letter to his friend H. A. Gwynne, Kipling confirmed his belief that the establishment of a national administration in India would result in a complete breakdown of law and order: ' ... there will be suttee again, dacoity there is already in full flow. Very few of the political movements and hartals are unaccompanied by robbery, house-breaking or murderous assaults ... I only want to save as many lives as are possible.' (The letter is dated 26 November I9JO, and it is part of the Stewart Kipling Collection, Dalhousie University, Halifax, Canada.) 27. This, for example, is one of the main points in 'The Enlightenment of Pagett, M. P.' The story is also an attack on the liberal politicians in England who meddle in Indian affairs without knowing much about India. However, in all fairness, one must concede that Kipling is being realistic in certain ways. At that time (I 88os) the Congress was a modest organisation that was not popular with the masses, and it was viewed with suspicion by Muslims and Christians. 28. Kipling's well-known story 'The Head of the District' is a case in point. On Orde's death, a Bengali, Grish Chunder De, is appointed as deputy com­ missioner of a turbulent district on the North West Frontier. The arrival of the Hindu babu is the prelude to big trouble; he is simply rejected as a ruler by the Pathans who for centuries harried and controlled Bengal. For them Grish Chunder, despite his excellent academic record, is a kala admi (black man) and a Hindu and hence unfit to govern them. Orde was successful not only because he was an Englishman, but also because he ruled the orientals in an oriental fashion.