ADDICTIVE BEHAVIOR ENCYCLOPEDIA of DRUGS, ALCOHOL & ADDICTIVE BEHAVIOR Editorial Board EDITOR IN CHIEF Rosalyn Carson-DeWitt, M.D. Durham, North Carolina EDITORS Kathleen M. Carroll, Ph.D. Associate Professor of Psychiatry Yale University School of Medicine Jeffrey Fagan, Ph.D. Professor of Public Health Joseph L. Mailman School of Public Health, Columbia University Henry R. Kranzler, M.D. Professor of Psychiatry University of Connecticut School of Medicine Michael J. Kuhar, Ph.D. Georgia Research Alliance Eminent Scholar and Candler Professor Yerkes Regional Primate Center ADDICTIVE BEHAVIOR ENCYCLOPEDIA of DRUGS, ALCOHOL & ADDICTIVE BEHAVIOR SECOND EDITION VOLUME 3 R – Z ROSALYN CARSON-DEWITT, M.D. Editor in Chief Durham, North Carolina Copyright © 2001 by Macmillan Reference USA, an imprint of the Gale Group All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the Publisher. Macmillan Reference USA Macmillan Reference USA An imprint of the Gale Group An imprint of the Gale Group 1633 Broadway 27500 Drake Rd. New York, NY 10019 Farmington Hills, MI 48331-3535 Printed in the United States of America printing number 12345678910 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Encyclopedia of drugs, alcohol, and addictive behavior / Rosalyn Carson-DeWitt, editor-in-chief.–Rev. ed. p. cm. Rev. ed. of: Encyclopedia of drugs and alcohol. c1995. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-02-865541-9 (set) ISBN 0-02-865542-7 (Vol. 1) ISBN 0-02-865543-5 (Vol. 2) ISBN 0-02-865544-3 (Vol. 3) ISBN 0-02-865545-1 (Vol. 4) 1. Drug abuse–Encyclopedias. 2. Substance abuse–Encyclopedias. 3. Alcoholism–Encyclopedias. 4. Drinking of alcoholic beverages–Encyclopedias. I. Carson-DeWitt, Rosalyn II. Encyclopedia of drugs and alcohol. HV5804 .E53 2000 362.29'03–dc21 00-046068 CIP This paper meets the requirements of ANSI-NISO Z39.48-1992 (Permanence of Paper) ⅜oo™ R RACIAL PROFILING ‘‘Profiles,’’ formal percent of those stopped and searched on New Jer- and informal, are common in law enforcement, sey highways are African American or Hispanic, particularly in narcotics law enforcement. They even though, according to one expert, only 13.5 consist of general characteristics and features that percent of the drivers and 15 percent of the might make a law enforcement officer suspicious. speeders on those highways are African American In some instances, law enforcement agencies for- or Hispanic. An Orlando Sentinel analysis of 1,000 mulate and disseminate formal profiles to officers videotapes of Florida state trooper traffic stops in to guide their investigative actions. Even when pro- 1992 showed that on a road where 5 percent of the files are not formally maintained, however, officers drivers were African American or Hispanic, 70 per- inevitably rely on their past experience to generate cent of those stopped and 80 percent of those informal profiles for whom to follow more closely, searched by the Florida state police were African approach, stop, or question. There is nothing American or Hispanic. wrong with profiling as a general practice, but Racial targeting need not be expressly invited by when race becomes a factor in a profile, serious constitutional and ethical issues arise. a profile. Consider, for example, the U.S. Drug Racial profiling is the use of racial generaliza- Enforcement Agency’s (DEA) drug courier profile tions or stereotypes as a basis for stopping, search- for airports. All the factors listed below have been ing, or questioning an individual. Racial profiling identified by DEA agents in court testimony as part received a great deal of attention in the United of the DEA’s drug courier profile: States in the late 1990s as a result of a series of arrived late at night prominent incidents and the release of data on po- arrived early in the morning lice practices from several jurisdictions. The data consistently showed that African Americans and arrived in afternoon Hispanics are disproportionately targeted by law one of first to deplane enforcement for stops, frisks, and searches. Court one of last to deplane records showed, for example, that in Maryland Af- deplaned in the middle rican Americans made up 70 percent of those bought coach ticket stopped and searched by the Maryland State Police bought first-class ticket from January 1995 through December 1997, on a used one-way ticket road on which 17.5 percent of the drivers and use round-trip ticket speeders were African American. A 1999 report by paid for ticket with small denomination cur- the New Jersey Attorney General found that 77 rency 947 948 RACIAL PROFILING paid for ticket with large denomination cur- sions (either because there was no arrest or indict- rency ment, or because the defendant pleaded guilty)— made local telephone call after deplaning the statistics are so one-sided as to raise serious made long-distance telephone call after questions about racial targeting. deplaning Although statistical data alone do not conclu- pretended to make telephone call sively establish that officers are engaged in ‘‘racial traveled from New York to Los Angeles profiling,’’ they provide strong circumstantial evi- traveled to Houston dence. Many police officers, moreover, admit that carried no luggage all other things being equal, they are more suspi- carried brand-new luggage cious of, for example, young African-American carried a small bag men than elderly white women. Nor is such think- carried a medium-sized bag ing irrational. Criminologists generally agree that carried two bulky garment bags young African-American men are more likely to carried two heavy suitcases commit crime than elderly white women, because carried four pieces of luggage at least with respect to some crime, young people overly protective of luggage commit more crime than old people, men commit disassociated self from luggage more crime than women, and African Americans traveled alone commit more crime than whites. Indeed, it is pre- traveled with a companion cisely because the use of race as a generalization is acted too nervous not irrational that racial profiling is such a wide- acted too calm spread phenomenon. made eye contact with officer In some areas, however, there is evidence that avoided making eye contact with officer the use of racial profiles is irrational. The strongest wore expensive clothing and gold jewelry evidence is with respect to drug law enforcement. dressed casually Much of the racial profiling that occurs on the na- went to restroom after deplaning tion’s highways is conducted for drug law enforce- walked quickly through airport ment purposes. Officers use the pretext of a traffic walked slowly through airport infraction to stop a car and then ask for consent to walked aimlessly through airport search the car for drugs. This tactic has been ex- left airport by taxi pressly approved by the U.S. Supreme Court. left airport by limousine Yet studies show that officers get virtually the left airport by private car same ‘‘hit rates’’ for whites and African Americans left airport by hotel courtesy van when they conduct traffic stops for drugs. In other suspect was Hispanic words, officers are no more likely to find drugs on suspect was African-American female an African-American driver than a white driver. Consistent with these results, the U.S. Public Even without the last two factors, this profile Health Service has found, based on confidential describes so many travelers that it does not so much self-report surveys, that African Americans and focus an investigation as provide DEA officials a whites use illegal drugs in rough proportion to their ready-made excuse for stopping whomever they representation in the population at large. In 1992, please. A Lexis review of all federal court decisions for example, 76 percent of illegal drug users were from January 1, 1990 to August 2, 1995, in which white and 14 percent were African American. Since drug courier profiles were used and the race of the most users report having purchased drugs from a suspect was discernible, revealed that of sixty-three dealer of the same race, drug dealing is also likely such cases, all but three suspects were minorities: to be fairly evenly represented demographically. thirty-four were African-American, twenty-five Thus, the supposition that African Americans are were Hispanic, one was Asian, and three were more likely to be carrying drugs is sharply contra- white. While this is not a scientific sampling—it dicted by the data. does not include cases in which the race of the In any event, even where demographic data sug- suspect could not be discerned, and it does not gests that the practice of racial profiling may not be include cases that did not result in judicial deci- irrational, it is both unconstitutional and unwise. RATIONAL AUTHORITY 949 Because of the pernicious history of racial classifi- lating that racial profiling is impermissible: Pre- cations in the United States, the Supreme Court cisely because racial profiling is deeply embedded forbids official reliance on racial generalizations— in the culture and not always irrational, police even accurate ones—except when there is no other officers are likely to continue to do it unless the way to achieve a compelling government end. The practice is clearly prohibited. And the third step usual argument police officers advance in defense will require effective monitoring and discipline. It of profiling is that it recognizes the unfortunate fact remains to be seen whether racial profiling can be that minorities are more likely than whites to com- halted effectively. mit crime. But while this may be true with respect to some crimes, the generalizations are hopelessly BIBLIOGRAPHY overinclusive even as to those crimes.