The Global Economy and which swim together with schools of Democracy: the Tuna-Dolphin tuna. Once located, the dolphins and Controversy Revisited the tuna are encircled with nets and captured. In this process a large number of tunas are caught, but also Alessandro Bonanno· many dolphins die suffocated in the and nets. This environmentally dangerous Douglas H. Constance• practice became illegal in the United States after the adoption of the Marine Mammal Protection Act Introduction (MMPA) of 1972. In the last twenty five years, this act has been modified The dolphin-tuna controversy a number of times to establish very emerged as one of the most important stringent requirements for the tuna battles fought and won by the fishing industry. Indeed, the victory of environmental movement. Its the environmental movement implications at the social, economic consisted of the fact that in the and political levels touched a large United State in order to sell tuna variety of subjects and institutions commercially, it must be caught with world wide. Indeed, it was its global techniques other than the purse­ dimension which differentiated this seine encirclement. Only in this case case from other contemporary tuna could gain the commercially instances of environmental struggles required label of "dolphin-safe". (e.g., Bonanno and Constance 1996). Opposition to the MMPA led to The last few years have been charac­ the signing of the Panama Declaration, terized by renewed activities con­ a twelve nation international agree­ cerning the fishing of tuna by setting ment which allows the use of the on dolphins. This very profitable and purse-seine technique and redefines highly productive technique is called the concept of "dolphin-safe" tuna. In purse-seine fishing and involves this case, only tuna which is caught visual contact with groups of dolphins while dolphins are actually killed is lnlemalional Jouma/ of Sociology of Agriculture and Food-Rellista lntemalirmal de Sociologia sobre Agricultura y A/imentos VoJ_ 7198 67 banned from commercial use. movements view the Panama Declara­ Observers on board fishing vessels tion as a compromise and possible are in charge of determining which solution to the long standing dispute catch is condemned. The Panama between environmentalists and Declaration mandates that the Unites workers in the tuna industry. The States changes its domestic legisla­ latter considered the banning of the tion (e.g., the MMPA} to accommodate purse-seine technique as the primary these new requirements. cause for the crises which affected The paper explores the context tuna boats and canneries in the U.S. and implications of the signing of and Latin America after the imple­ Panama Declaration and the actions of mentation of MMPA. Labor charged the major actors involved in the case. the environmentalists with disrupting It is argued that the Declaration their livelihood for the exaggerate represents a pro-transnational protection of dolphins. corporations (TNCs) action as it favors The paper is also concerned with the strategies and interests of this the implications that the signing of segment of the tuna industry. It also the Panama Declaration has for indicates that TNCs were able to democracy. According to significant enlist the support of the U.S. segments of the literature on global­ Government m this project. The ization (e.g., Danley 1994; Harvey Clinton Administration has been very 1990; Reich 1991; Spybey 1996), supportive of the reform of MMPA. In democratization processes have been this respect, the case can be viewed hampered by the ability of TNCs to as an example of the vitality of the by-pass nationally based legislation. nation-State in the global economy This phenomenon, it is contended, but also of its subordination to the devalues decision-making processes class project of TN Cs. which involve subordinate segments Support of pro-TNC stands also of society. Because of this re­ comes from segments of the environ­ definition of democratic free spaces in mental movement and labor. In the society, the restructuring of the global paper we argue that these two order requires attention and moni- 68 /n/emational Joumal cf Sociology of Agricu/1.ura and Food-Revista lntemalional de Socio/ogla sobra Agriculture y AJ1mentos Vol. 7198 toring. The paper illustrates that the has been studied is reflected in environmental movement is split into various and contradictory interpreta­ two groups and that only one of these tions characterizing relevant litera­ two fractions retains the original anti­ ture. Some authors underscore the purse-seine posture. This change has homogenizing character of the new been interpreted as the subordination global order. In many instances, of the environmental movement to the emphasis is placed on emerging hegemonic project of TNCs. The common cultural characteristics dominance of pro-TNC discourses is forged by the advancements in interpreted to indicate that under technology, cybernetics and the globalization the contested terrain is diffusion of media delivered messages redefined in terms that restrict (e.g., Featherstone 1990; Giddens democratic free spaces. Simultane­ 1994; Robertson 1992). In other ously, it is argued that TNCs' actions views, globalization is understood in are not free of contradictions. The terms of the rupture of institutional requirement of capital realization and structures which allowed the that of broader forms of coordination fragmentation of life and politics and can limit the power of TNCs and open the recomposition of links and possibilities for resistance by solidarities which transcends subordinate groups. In this respect established national and/ or cultural we conclude that despite the growing enclaves (e.g., Beck 1995; Lash and power of TNCs and the limiting of Uny 1994). In this context, democ­ democratic spaces, conditions for racy becomes highly problematized. resistance still exist. The exhaustion of traditional structures eliminates established Globalization and Democracy channels for the development of democratic discourses and creates The globalization of the economy the condition for a struggle fi:Jr and society is arguably one of the democracy (Beck 1995). Simultane­ most debated topics in today's social ously, new avenues for democratic sciences. The impetus with which it discourses emerge outside the lnlema/ionaJ Journal of Sociology of Agticulture and Food-Revis/a lnlemational de Soc/o/ogia sobre Agrfcultura y Alimentos Vol. 7198 69 sclerotized paths of traditional Emphasizing economic dimen­ politics. This "subpolitics" contains sions, other accounts point to the the elements for the establishment of renewed possibilities of growth that democracy from below through the globalization entails. They speak of revitalization of participatory and globalization in terms of the elimina­ inclusionary strategies {Giddens tion of barriers to the circulation of 1994). Though centered on local commodities and capital and the efforts for the satisfaction of local reduced willingness of nation-States needs, it entails global links as the to impose restrictions to this free flow interconnection of today's social of resources (e.g., Fukuyama 1992; phenomena does allow the provin­ Kindleberger 1986). In these views, cialization of politics. As Anthony globalization often assumes a positive Giddens points out, there are connotation as it is opposed to state " ... shared values that come from a regulated economic policies centered situation of global interdependence, on obsolete Keynesian economic organized via the cosmopolitan strategies. Echoing calls of nee-liberal acceptance of difference. A world with theorists (Friedman 1982), these no others in one where - as a matter accounts present conservative views of principle - we all share common in which the unrestricted global interests, just as we face common market is considered the force able to risks" (Giddens 1994:253). To be produce new energies to overcome the sure, these theorists are interested in exhaustion of post World War II substantive democracy. This is the growth models. Primary agents of this system through which substantive process of economic revitalization are participation m decision-making TNCs (e.g., Rubner 1990). TNCs have processes is established for broader been able to fuse economic efficiency segments of society and in which with a vision for growth and markets these groups can address their social, expansion. Because of their scope political and economic needs (Beck and organizational capabilities, they 1995). do not require governmental support which, in tum, frees corporate and 70 lntemational Journal of Sociology of Agriculture and Food•Revista mtemalkmal de Sociologla sabre Agricultura y Alimentos Vol. 7198 individual resources which are no 1990; Reich 1991). For the majority of longer drained away from the them, globalization represents the economic circles (K.indleberger 1986). synthesis of attempts of corporate Progressive accounts also pro­ groups and their allies to respond to duce positive views of globalization. inroads made by subordinate groups. According to these works, the In this context, globalization, above dissolution of post World War Two all, indicates the flexibility of TNCs to socio-economic models has been bypass situations (rigidities) which replaced with new and much more favor social groups such as labor and flexible forms of accumulation (e.g., minorities, as well as alternative Piore and Sable 1984; Hirst and views such as those supported by the Zeitlan