The Pageant of Paha Sapa an Origin Myth of White Settlement in the American West

The Pageant of Paha Sapa an Origin Myth of White Settlement in the American West

University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln Great Plains Quarterly Great Plains Studies, Center for Winter 2008 The Pageant of Paha Sapa An Origin Myth of White Settlement In The American West Linea Sundstrom University of Oklahoma Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/greatplainsquarterly Part of the Other International and Area Studies Commons Sundstrom, Linea, "The Pageant of Paha Sapa An Origin Myth of White Settlement In The American West" (2008). Great Plains Quarterly. 1400. https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/greatplainsquarterly/1400 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Great Plains Studies, Center for at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Great Plains Quarterly by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. THE PAGEANT OF PAHA SAPA AN ORIGIN MYTH OF WHITE SETTLEMENT IN THE AMERICAN WEST LINEA SUNDSTROM As a literary work initiated and directed by a wheels into a respectable modern community. committee of women, The Pageant of Paha Sapa This theme of social evolution was typical of the captures the zeitgeist of the postArontier era larger pageant movement; however, unlike the through the eyes of the influential women of eastern towns, Custer, South Dakota, could not one small town. Like all origin myths, this script draw on its past for moral authority. The town presented the current populace as the rightful began as a mining camp, with the rootlessness heirs of the place and its resources, having won and disorder of any western gold rush town, them through persistence, struggle, and divinely compounded by conflicts with Indians trying ordained destiny. The pageant's message was to drive the white trespassers from their reser­ that "civilizing" influences had transformed vation lands. History as expressed in Custer's the former Indian paradise and frontier hell-on- pageant leaped from primitive perfection to historic chaos to a modern, orderly community. Modifications to the script and performance Key Words: Black Hills, gender, Indian-white over the years imply points of tension between relations, Lakota, Progressive Movement, South Dakota the local women's early post-frontier origin myth and new views of frontier history at mid­ Linea Sundstrom is a consultant specializing in the twentieth century. archaeology and ethnohistory of the northern Great Plains. She wrote Storied Stone: Rock Art of the RURAL REFORMS OF THE PROGRESSIVE ERA Black Hills Country (University of Oklahoma Press, 2004), Rock Art of the Southern Black Hills: A Contextual Approach (Garland Publishing, 1990), The postsettlement years in the western Culture History of the Black Hills (] &L Publishing, United States were a time for towns to reflect 1989), and numerous articles on regional archaeology. on their short and often checkered histories. She received her Ph.D. with honors from the University With the challenges of frontier life behind of Kansas. them, townspeople sought legitimacy through stories of their founders. During the first [GPQ 28 (Winter 2008): 3-26] decades of the twentieth century, townspeople 3 4 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, WINTER 2008 performed these stories, mythic or real, in color­ In The Country-Life Movement, L. H. Bailey ful historical pageants. In performing and proposed that a sense of community could be witnessing the historical dramas, cast and audi­ cultivated through sports leagues, songfests at ence internalized their local story and awoke to the local schoolhouses, and performance of their town's role in the march of progress. historical pageants.6 Bailey and other progres­ During the rise of the Progressive Era at sives promoted such programs to inculcate the turn of the twentieth century, politicians community spirit in excessively independent and activists from a wide range of political, westerners, whom they perceived as lacking educational, economic, and geographic back­ social cohesion.? grounds embraced the idea that government could institute social reforms that would pro­ THE PAGEANT MOVEMENT mote equality, social harmony, and morality. Along with a concern for the rights of workers, Production and performance of historical children, and women, progressives sought to pageants proved to be a popular aspect of the improve the lives of individuals of all classes progressive movement in the West. Proponents through outdoor recreation, communal activi­ anticipated several benefits of local historical ties, and exposure to the fine arts. Among the pageants: wholesome activity for children and tangible results of this movement were public adults, a sense of community pride and cooper­ parks and playgrounds, public murals, settle­ ation, opportunities for leadership and social­ ment houses, and youth organizations.! izing, and increased tourism and settlement.8 Progressives worried that American soci­ Proponents envisioned the pageants as wholly ety was disintegrating in the cities and rural homegrown enterprises; even if the town areas alike. In 1909, President Roosevelt's pageant committee rented some costumes or Commission on Country Life reported to the commissioned a professional writer or historian U.S. Senate on the status of rural society in to create a script, the pageant was to be "an America. According to their report, rural soci­ expression of the life of a community portrayed ety was failing. In the East, this was attributed by members of that community.,,9 Pageant to rural people moving to the cities and to the organizers should invite every local resident dehumanizing effects of industrialism,2 but in to participate, although, as will be seen, they the West it was blamed largely on the self-reli­ did not always follow this rule.!o An implicit ant attitude of the homesteaders. "Self-reli­ but important purpose was to create and dra­ ance being the essence of [the homesteader's] matize origin stories for the young towns-in nature, he does not at once feel the need of the words of one pageant promoter, "to make cooperation for business purposes or of close [local] history live in the minds and hearts" of association for social objects."3 In the words of community members.l1 Like all origin stories, historian Jonathan Raban, "the fear was that these served to legitimate the presence of the the plains were filling up with self-reliant mis­ current population by mythologizing its real or anthropes, undereducated, irreligious, lacking imagined history. Pageants were to entertain, in all the developed social impulses that are educate, and inspire by presenting the ideals of required for a functioning democracy."4 One the past in a colorful, active form easily grasped advocate of social reform attributed the "crusty by children and immigrants.12 Pageants should individuality" of the westerners to the need lead to personal and social improvement. The to wrest "something savage" from the land by town pageant should be a "lighted torch of individual struggle to temper it for civilization.s inspiration for nobler living."13 Pageants also On the heels of the 1909 report, government sought to counter the backwardness and isola­ agencies, churches, and social reformers pro­ tion of rural communities by embedding their posed a series of programs to socialize and edu­ stories within the larger national history and cate rural people toward community cohesion. geography.14 THE PAGEANT OF PAHA SAPA 5 The American pageant movement (some The need to mediate conflicting ideals would say mania) reached an apex in the of communalism and individuality, reckless years immediately preceding World War I, but adventure and community-building, the excit­ persisted until midcentury in many places, ing past and the peaceful but comparatively particularly in the South and West.l5 In the dull present, and Wild West myth and classi­ years after World War I, women's clubs staged cal moral allegory produced a unique kind of pageants to raise funds for community cen­ historical pageant-one that blended .social ters.l6 In the West, the postwar pageants also reform with raucous entertainment and turned attracted tourists seeking a taste of frontier community endeavor toward glorification of history. The pageant movement would become a violent and selfish past. In attempting to a lens into the anxieties and hopes of a new reconcile these discordant ideas, the western American century, originating at the intersec­ pageant used the symbols of womanhood and tion of American progressivism, British anti­ Indianness-in contrast to the white male modernism as expressed in the Arts and Crafts world-to symbolize extremes of virtue and movement, nostalgia for classical ideals, the vice that bore little relation to historical fact. installation of allegorical murals and sculpture In this, the western pageant followed a tenet in public spaces, the expressive dance move­ of the larger pageant movement: "the pageant ment of Isadora Duncan, and popular realiza­ will lose its best lessons if we depend upon facts tion that the American frontier was closedJ7 alone for our material."23 In the western boomtowns, pageants had to negotiate an uncertain bridge between the ThE PAGEANT OF PAHA SAPA moralistic, community-building theme of the eastern pageants and the realities of a chaotic One such program, the Pageant of Paha Sapa, and often immoral early history.l8 Scriptwriters formed an important part of community life could not simply imagine a more orderly his­ in Custer, South Dakota,

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