bki Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 169 (2013) 326-361 brill.com/bki Cultivating Plantations and Subjects in East Timor: A Genealogy Christopher J. Shepherd and Andrew McWilliam1 Australian National University [email protected]; [email protected] Abstract This article traces the emergence and institutionalization of plantation systems and cash crops in East Timor over two centuries. It examines the continuities, ruptures and shifting politics across successive plantation styles and political regimes, from Portuguese colonial- ism through Indonesian occupation to post-colonial independence. In following plantation agriculture from its origins to the present, the article explores how plantation subjects have been formed successively through racial discourse, repressive discipline, technical authority and neoliberal market policies. We argue that plantation politics have been instrumental in reproducing the class distinctions that remain evident in East Timor today. Keywords East Timor, plantations, history, governmentality we should try to grasp subjection in its material instance as a constitution of subjects. (Foucault 1980: 97) Introduction In 2008, civil society organizations in East Timor got wind of secret deal- ings between the Timorese government and an Indonesian company con- cerning plans to establish a number of large sugar-cane plantations on East Timor’s south coast. A controversy between civil society and government quickly erupted. Over the ensuing months, arguments around employment 1 For the first-named author, fieldwork and archival research was possible due to support from the Australian Research Council in the form of an Australian Postdoctorate Fellowship (DP0773307-2008-2011). © 2013 Christopher J. Shepherd & Andrew McWilliam DOI: 10.1163/22134379-12340047 This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 3.0 Unported (CC BY-NC 3.0) License, http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0/ Cultivating Plantations and Subjects in East Timor 327 opportunities, economic benefits for the nation, environmental impacts, the track record of the company in question, and the effect of similar plan- tations in neighbouring Indonesia, were thrashed out in public meetings before the issue subsided. For the time being, it appeared that Timorese civil society had sufficient influence to thwart the ambitious plans. Despite the market-based economic models that multilateral organiza- tions such as the World Bank and the Asia Development Bank have sought to foster within state-building processes of East Timor export-oriented plantation agriculture has been unable to develop in the country since the former SAPT2—the country’s largest and oldest plantation company dat- ing from 1897—was run into bankruptcy for a second time during the Indo- nesian period. There remain, however, substantial areas of smallholder coffee plantations in East Timor covering an estimated three per cent of the territory (Reis 2000).3 Now widely incorporated into producer and exporter cooperatives, these plantations reflect the contemporary postco- lonial political situation as much as they recall, and in many respects entail, layers of past agricultural regimes, both state and private, that were insti- tutionalized over successive colonial orders and successive phases within those orders. Indeed, East Timorese have been growing coffee since the early nineteenth century, especially from the 1860s when it was vigorously promoted under the governorship of Afonso de Castro (1859-1863); some- times they were forced to do so by the colonial authorities or by their own indigenous rulers; at other times they did so voluntarily with a keen aware- ness of the benefits that coffee could deliver. In this paper we trace the emergence and institutionalization of vari- ous plantation systems and crops from the nineteenth to the twenty-first centuries, charting the continuity, ruptures and ongoing politics of plan- tation agriculture in East Timor. From the time of the pacification wars (1890-1912) to the end of Portuguese colonialism in 1975, through the subse- quent quarter century of Indonesian annexation and East Timor’s eventual 2 Soceidade Agrícola Patria e Trabalho. 3 Precise data is unavailable. This is a conservative figure given that coffee production expanded over the previous decade. As a comparison Gouma and Kobryn (2004: 5) esti- mated that up to 7% of East Timor (575sqkm) could be classified as forest/coffee cover based on a measure of the favoured coffee shade trees Casuarina equisetifolia and Albizia falcat- aria providing 30-70% of cover. The World Bank has estimated that a somewhat larger area of 52,000 ha is cultivated with coffee (2010). 328 Christopher J. Shepherd and Andrew McWilliam independence, we encounter many plantation types. They include autono- mous tribute-paying indigenous smallholder plantations, private planta- tions of indigenous and mestiço elites, communal plantations, state-military plantations, penal plantations, European and Indonesian plantations. In following plantation agriculture from its colonial origins to the present, we explore how plantation subjects were constituted, regulated and repro- duced through various discourses and disciplinary practices. The notion of ‘subjects’ recalls the work of Michel Foucault (among others) who has analysed the emergence and operationalization of power- knowledge in various institutions—schools, asylums, prisons—as the production of normalized subjects through the definition and isolation of individuals and the routine surveillance, control and discipline of their human bodies. Foucault’s ideas have been widely applied to both coloni- alism (Anderson 2006; Said 1979) and international development (Crush 1995; DuBois 1991; Escobar 1984, 1995; Ferguson 1990). They have also been widely critiqued, particularly in the anthropology of development where ‘the new ethnography of development’ (Mosse 2005) reveals more complex and multifaceted development encounters that challenge the totalizing implications of the Foucault-styled development critique (Gow 2008; Grillo and Stirrat 1997; Sardan 2005). Yet Foucault’s ideas continue to resonate across the field, even as schol- ars grapple with the theoretical limitations of poststructuralism and postde- velopment in the face of an active local agency and flexible appropriations of interventions that go beyond the question of resistance. The level of agency and appropriation point to development subjects who are acutely aware of the conditions that oppress them (Li 1999; see also Ortner 2006 and Scott 1995). Without reprising these theoretical debates, this article sig- nals the continuing relevance of Foucauldian ideas to understanding colo- nial and postcolonial development, in this case, in East Timor. With a focus on plantation cultivation and plantation subjects, we explore the shifting power relations that informed the strategies and mechanisms of sequential regimes which were, and remain, productive of plantation subjects, just as plantations themselves formed a potent site for the making of colonial and postcolonial social relations. The monocultural impulse of plantation regimes, we argue, offers an ideal technology for regulating and disciplining recalcitrant colonial subjects. The prospects of plantation agriculture, both as a source of efficient and profitable land use and as a vehicle for engaging Cultivating Plantations and Subjects in East Timor 329 a compliant labour force in relatively low cost productive work was, and remains, a favoured strategy of state regimes. In producing a genealogy of plantations subjects, we identify in each stage of plantation development different forms of ‘bio-power’; those strategies that work to produce a sup- ply of docile human bodies that may be subjected, used, transformed and improved (Foucault 1979: 136). Without presuming the total and necessary subordination of subject peoples to colonial (or postcolonial) authority, we enquire into the nomenclatures, meanings and expectations attributed to the embodied individuals who laboured on plantation coffee, and later, coconut, rubber, cacao, sisal, candlenut and cashew fields. In highlighting the productive disciplinary and normalizing conceptualization of power that pervades the social body (DuBois 1991), we do not dismiss the nega- tive, repressive power of the state, which has been present since early colo- nial times and continues today through international and peacekeeping enforcement against Timorese subjects. Indeed, we demonstrate how these two forms of power operate in concert. We define plantation agriculture as forms of broadacre agriculture that require the reorganization of land and labour; where the import of mate- rial and social technologies is routine; and produce is commoditized and destined for export. A special note needs to be made in regard to irrigated rice, which was heavily promoted under Portuguese and Indonesian rule but only exported for very brief periods, and never in large quantities due to a lack of surplus production. As a predominantly import-substitution culti- var it only fulfils the first two criteria and we therefore limit our discussion of rice in this article, suffice to say that it exhibited many of the same quali- ties and structural relations that ordered the main plantation crops. The Emergence of Indigenous Plantations 1860-1894 It is likely that coffee was introduced to Portuguese Timor from Dutch- controlled Maubara