La gitanilla in France: From Page to Stage Karen Newman Brown University ormer french president Nicholas Sarkozy made headlines before his election, while serving as interior minister, with his characterization of the rioters burning cars in the suburbs of Paris in 2005. In response to a woman who shouted down from the window Fof a housing block, “Enough of this racaille,” Sarkozy shot back: “Vous en avez assez de cette bande de racaille? Eh bien on va vous en débarrasser”—roughly translated, “You’ve had enough of this scum? Then we’re going to get rid of them for you.” His words provoked a vigorous polemic in the French and European press around the word racaille, translated variously as “scum,” “rabble,” or “hoodlum.” Just as American rappers have appropriated the word “nigga” in lyrics and popular culture, so the very groups derisively termed racaille have sometimes appropriated that word in France. But it has also been used by the Far Right press to characterize immigrants, particularly Muslims and the Roma, or “gypsies.” After his election, Sarkozy, whom the French sometimes refer to as Sarko, continued his “zero tolerance” policies by ordering the expulsion from France of illegal Roma and other itinerant immigrants and the dismantling of their encampments. Though the new Socialist government of François Hollande promised to end Sarkozy’s policies, viewed as racist, expulsion and the dismantling of the camps continue. With this recent history in mind I turn to the seventeenth-century translation and appropriation of Cervantes’s novella La gitanilla in early-modern France. 2 republics of letters “la preciosa de france” “Liance est la Preciosa de France: après la belle Egyptienne de Cervantes, je ne pense pas qu’on en ayt veû une plus aimable,” writes the witty memoirist, gossip, and moralist Tallemant des Réaux in his Historiettes, which offer portraits and scandalous anecdotes of the rich, famous, and liter- ary of seventeenth-century France.1 Liance was a beautiful gypsy, fabled for her dancing, who bewitched the captain of the prince de Conti’s guards. Although she led a life Tallemant describes as “libertine,” “personne ne luy a jamais touché le bout du doit” (no one had ever laid a finger on her). Tallemant’s naming of Liance “la Preciosa de France” sometime in midcentury suggests just how well known Cervantes’s story was in early-modern France—Cervantes’s novella, as translated into French, may well have shaped Liance’s reputation, or at least its written afterlife. Both the Quixote and the Novelas exemplares were widely read in seventeenth-century France, a historical moment, we should remember, of complicated, sometimes-fraught, Franco- Hispanic relations. The period during which Cervantes’s novels and novellas were published and translated into French was one of heightened political and cultural exchange. Even before the several royal marriages (that of Louis XIII to Anne of Austria, daughter of Philip III of Spain; of Louis’s sister Elizabeth to Anne’s brother, Philip IV; and of Louis XIV to Maria Theresa, daugh- ter of Philip IV) fostered cultural exchange as well as keen mercantile, religious, and military rivalries, there seems to have been a vogue for things Spanish among the French elite.2 Spain was briefly at peace with England and France in the first decade of the seventeenth century and in 1609 had signed the Twelve Years’ Truce with the United Provinces. Though in retrospect Spain’s wealth and global empire may have been in decline, they inspired both envy and emu- lation on the Continent—and certainly in France, where the Habsburgs’ patronage of the arts commanded prestige. Spanish was frequently taught in seventeenth-century France, perhaps in part as a result of its long association with empire, as witnessed by the famous phrase in the ded- ication to Queen Isabella in the humanist Antonio Nebrija’s Gramàtica castellana: “siempre la lengua fue campañera del imperio” (language was always the companion of empire).3 Famously, we learn something of Cervantes’s reputation in France from the censor Marquez Torres’s approbation of the second part of the Quixote; he recounts that at a diplomatic meet- ing to negotiate one of the French-Spanish matrimonial matches, the French expounded upon the esteem in which France and her neighbors held Cervantes’s work: the Quixote, the Galatea, which they could practically quote by heart, and the novellas. Though some French readers read Cervantes in Spanish, for the most part he was read in translation, and those translations were often the source of Cervantes’s reputation not only in France but elsewhere in Europe as well, 1 Tallement des Réaux, Historiettes, ed. Antoine Adam (Paris: Gallimard/Pléiade, 1961), 2, 623. “Liance is the Preciosa of France: other than Cervantes’s beautiful gypsy girl herself, I don’t think anyone has seen one so appealing.” All translations are mine unless otherwise noted. 2 On hispanism in France, see Alexandre Cioranescu, Le masque et le visage: Du baroque espagnol au classicisme français (Geneva: Droz, 1983); and Jean-Frédéric Schaub, La France espagnole: Les racines hispaniques de l’absolutisme français (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 2003). 3 On the study of Spanish in France, see Sabina Collet Sedola, “L’étude de l’espagnol en France à l’époque d’Anne d’Autriche,” in L’age d’or de l’influence espagnole: La France et l’Espagne à l’époque d’Anne d’Autriche, ed. Charles Mazouer (Mont-de-Marsan: Editions InterUniversitaires, 1991). On language and this imperial topos, see Peter Burke, Languages and Communities in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 20, 22. newman | la gitanilla in france: from page to stage 3 where French was read much more widely than Spanish.4 Tallemant invokes that translation history when he dubs the gypsy Liance not only “Preciosa” but also “la belle Egyptienne de Cervantes,” the title of both the French translation of Cervantes’s La gitanilla and of a Baroque tragicomedy by Alexandre Hardy, one of the several adaptations of Cervantes on the seven- teenth-century French stage.5 translation/adaptation Cervantes famously writes in the preface to his novellas that his invention engendered them, his pen gave them birth, and they were growing up in the arms of the press (“y van creciendo en los brazos de la estampa”). Their print fortunes would seem to corroborate his claim.6 Published first in Madrid in 1613, they appeared in French translation immediately (theprivilège is dated November 24, 1614): six by Vital d’Audiguier, a soldier and poet who translated not only Cervantes but a number of early-modern Spanish texts, and six more by the poet François de Rosset, who also translated part 2 of the Quixote as well as a number of Italian texts.7 The trans- lations were printed by Jean Richer, best known for his newsbook volumes, the Mercure françois, concerned with French political events in the unstable period between the assassination of Henry IV in 1610 and Richelieu’s political hegemony in the late 1620s. George Hainsworth argues that Richer seems to have initially intended to publish only d’Audiguier’s six translated stories, which were completed near the end of 1614, but decided instead to publish all the novelas and so commis- sioned Rosset to translate the six additional tales.8 It is generally agreed that d’Audiguier’s trans- lation takes considerably more liberties (and betrays the limits of his knowledge of Spanish) than does Rosset’s, which remains much closer to the Cervantine text. The translation seems to have had, as Hainsworth notes, “une fortune vraiment remarquable” (a truly remarkable impact) in Europe throughout the seventeenth century and into the eighteenth; it was frequently reprinted and inspired in turn many Dutch, English, and German translations.9 Rosset translated the title of Cervantes’s La gitanilla as La belle egyptienne, and he begins his preface to the volume with those very words. Rosset’s translation of La gitanilla is also the lead story in the collection, as it is in the 1613 Madrid edition. In her 1931 study of the influence of Cervantes in France, Esther Crooks hazards that “the change in title from La Gitanilla to La belle Egyptienne in de Rosset’s translation of the Novelas exemplares is due probably to the fact that the 4 “The language whose speakers made the strongest bid for European hegemony was of course French.” Burke, Languages and Communities, 85. On the competition among vernaculars, including a critique of the “triumphalist” model, see Burke’s chapter “Vernaculars in Competition,” 61–88. Burke points out that in 1600 “it has been calculated French was in the lead with about fourteen million speakers, followed by German with ten million, Italian with nine and a half million, Spanish with eight and a half million, English with six million” (82). 5 Hardy’s is only one of several dramatic adaptations of Cervantes’s story, which include a 1642 play of the same title by Sallebray. See George Hainsworth, Les “Novelas exemplares” de Cervantes en France au XVIIe siécle: Contribution à l’étude de la nouvelle en France (Paris: Champion, 1933). Also on the French translations, see Andrée Mansau, “Les nouvelles exemplaires de Miguel de Cervantés traduites en langue française,” Littératures classiques 13 (1990): 109–20. 6 Miguel de Cervantes, Novelas ejemplares, ed. Harry Sieber (Madrid: Cátedra, 1986), 52. 7 On d’Audiguier’s subsequent translations of Cervantes and his theories of translation, see Ellen R. Welch, “Translating Authority: Cervantes’ Los trabajos de Persiles y Sigismunda in French (1618),” Translation and Literature 19 (2010): 26–41. 8 Hainsworth, Les “Novelas exemplares” de Cervantes, 59.