Mindanao Horizons Volume 1, No. 2010-01 A monograph series on peace, justice and development in Mindanao published by the Ateneo de Manila School of Government and the Institute of Bangsamoro Studies through the support of the Australian Agency for International Development Mindanao Horizons Volume 1, No. 2010-01 Steering Committee Antonio Gabriel M. La Viña (ASoG) Abhoud Syed M. Lingga (IBS) Peter Bartu (AusAID) Sam Chittick (AusAID) Editor and Research Coordinator Vanessa Remoquillo (ASoG) Research Associate Cristyl Mae B. Senajon (ASoG) Administrative and Financial Assistant Venus V. Vinluan (ASoG) Alibai U. Mantukay (IBS) Layout Ray Leyesa Cover Design Narwin Espiritu Views and opinions expressed in this publication do not necessarily reflect those of the Ateneo de Manila University, the Ateneo School of Government, the Institute of Bangsamoro Studies and the Australian Agency for International Development. Foreword Mindanao Horizons is a monograph series that gathers the viewpoints of think- ers, opinion leaders and innovators in Mindanao, with the aim to contribute constructively to the discourse on Mindanao—its peoples, its history and heritage, and, most importantly, its future. It is our hope that Mindanao Horizons will inspire new ideas that will strengthen dialogue and engagement, spur deeper understanding, and give rise to lasting peace, justice, security and development in the region. Mindanao Horizons is published by the Ateneo de Manila School of Government (ASoG) and the Institute of Bangsamoro Studies (IBS) through the generous support of the Australian Agency for International Development (AusAID). The ASoG and the IBS have collaborated on the selection of Mindanao-centered topics, and of the authors who can capably develop them and put forward innovative thinking and fresh insight. Each monograph is published with a joint editorial. When one of us is a contributor to the monograph, the editorial appears under a singular byline. Apart from the monograph series, the ASoG and the IBS also host Mindanao- focused, thematic roundtable discussions in Manila and in various Mindanao cities. In these gatherings, the ASoG and the IBS create the opportunity for free, provocative and unconventional idea exchange on ways to advance peace in Mindanao. For more information about Mindanao Horizons, visit the website www.mindanaopeace.org. Peace! Salam! Antonio Gabriel M. La Viña Abhoud Syed M. Lingga Dean, Ateneo de Manila Executive Director School of Government Institute of Bangsamoro Studies Assertions of Sovereignty and Abhoud Syed M. Lingga Self-Determination: The Philippine-Bangsamoro Conflict Introduction This paper discusses the view that the armed conflict between the Philippine Government and the Bangsamoro people is rooted in the assertion of the govern- ment of its sovereignty and the assertion of the Bangsamoro to exercise their right to self-determination, and argues that finding solutions that will take into consider- ation the two positions will be the viable and sustainable way to achieve peace in the Bangsamoro homeland. Nature of the Conflict The conflict in Mindanao between the Philippine Government and the Bangsamoro people is seen from different perspectives. To the government, it is the problem of integrating the national cultural communities into the body politic (Republic Act 1888), while to the Bangsamoro, the problem is the refusal of the central government to recognize and allow the exercise of their right to self-determination. There are also some sectors of Philippine society who view the problem as Muslim- Christian conflict. Problem of integration The situation of the Bangsamoro people as described by government is backward (House of Representatives 1954:85), “poor and lacking education and training.” (Abueva 1977) Summarizing his findings on the perceived problems of the cultural minorities, Abueva (1977) wrote: “From available written sources and from the responses of the delegates who were polled for this paper, one is struck by the sense of relative deprivation, neglect, exploitation, misunderstanding, discrimination, and therefore of a degree of elimination, felt by informed members of the cultural minorities.” Abhoud Syed M. Lingga is the Executive Director of the Institute of Bangsamoro Studies in Cotabatao City. 5 6 Government policymakers (House of Representatives 1954) believe that this deprivation triggers the violence in Mindanao. The relationship of deprivation to violence is explained by Magdalena (1983-1984:55) as follows: “… communities which have higher deprivation and higher displacement tend to experience more violence than those which are low on these. Together, the two variables are much more highly related to the occurrence of violence than are the separate effects of either one.” In response to this deplorable situation, the central government adopted the policy of integration. The objective of government’s national integration policy towards the Bangsamoro, who were earlier categorized as Non-Christian Filipinos and later re-categorized as National Cultural Minorities, is to render real, complete and permanent their integration into the Philippine body politic. Their integration has to be accomplished “by all adequate means and in systematic, rapid and complete manner” and includes their “moral, material, economic, social and political advancement.” (Sec. 1, RA 1888) The integration policy was reframed after President Ferdinand Marcos’ martial law. The new policy emphasized the preservation and development of the culture, traditions, institutions and wellbeing of Muslim Filipinos, in conformity with the country’s laws and in consonance with national unity and development. (Executive Order 122-A as amended by EO 295) Lately, with the passage of the law creating the National Commission on Muslim Filipinos, state policy was rephrased with the aim “to ensure the rights and well-being of Muslim Filipinos with due regard to their beliefs, customs, traditions and institutions, as well as to further ensure their contribution to national goals and aspirations and to make them active participants in nation-building.” (RA 9997) Self-determination The Bangsamoro see the problem from a different perspective. They want to exercise their right to self-determination, but the central government does not allow them. They tried to use peaceful and democratic means, to no avail. When they resorted to armed struggle to defend their communities from military incursions, the toll on human life and property has been heavy on both the Bangsamoro and the government. Realizing that the costs of being part of the Philippines far outweigh the benefits derived, the Bangsamoro attempted several times to separate from the republic. During the Fourth Congress, Representative Ombra Amilbangsa filed House Bill No. 5682 that sought the granting and recognition of the independence of Sulu. When the bill was sent to the archives without action, then-provincial governor of Cotabato Datu Udtog Matalam made a dramatic move, issuing the 7 Mindanao Independence Movement (MIM) manifesto calling for the independence of Mindanao and Sulu to be known and referred to as the Republic of Mindanao and Sulu. In 1974, the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) issued a mani- festo proclaiming that “the Bangsamoro people…are disbanding all their political, economic and other bonds with the oppressive government of the Philippines”, and appealing to the international community to accept the “Bangsamoro Republik as one of the members of the family of independent and sovereign nations in the world”. (MNLF Manifesto 1974) Salah Jubair (2007:11), in defining the problem as seen by the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), writes: “Essentially, the problem, to the MILF, is about giving the Moros their (right to self-determination) RSD as enunciated in international law, which will in the end determine which of the various shades of self-governance they freely choose: associative, federative or any other form of self-determination, although the most natural meaning or expression of RSD is independence.” Even Bangsamoro academics see the problem as that of self-determination. In her suggestions to improve the relations between the Moros and Christians, Prof. Carmen Abubakar (1987:134) of the University of the Philippines made it clear that “(v)ital to this effort is understanding the Moros’ claim to self-determination and their demand for self-rule. This is a demand that has moral, legal and historical foundations and cannot be withheld or denied on the basis of colonial prerogatives.” The Bangsamoro assertion of self-determination is anchored on historical narrative and consideration of the costs that they pay for being part of the Philippine republic. The Bangsamoro consist of 13 Muslim ethno-linguistic groups living in contiguous areas in Mindanao. Prior to their incorporation to the Philippines, they exercised sovereign power over 2/3 of Mindanao. Today only around 1/3 of their original homeland remains in their possession after several decades of being part of the Philippines. The Bangsamoro claim that they have significant early experience in state formation and governance compared to the Filipinos. In the middle of the 15th century, Sultan Shariff ul-Hashim established the Sulu Sultanate, while in the early part of the 16th century, Shariff Muhammad Kabungsuwan established the Magindanaw Sultanate. These were followed by the establishment of the Sultanate of Buayan and the Pat a Pangampong ko Ranao (Confederation of