> Maritime piracy Piracy in early modern China Over the centuries, piracy has captured the imagination of writers and readers alike. Theme > Described as daring adventurers, heroic rebels, or bloodthirsty villains, pirates in fact and South China fiction continue to fascinate people of all ages. But why should we study pirates? Are they important? Can they tell us anything about society, culture, and history? Robert Antony overall income. Because tens of thou- independently of and even overshad- sands of people on both sea and shore owed that of the government and local irates are not only interesting but came to depend on piracy either direct- elites. Piracy therefore became a signif- Psignificant for what they can tell us ly or indirectly for their livelihoods, it icant and pervasive force in South about Chinese history. Between 1520 became a self-sustaining enterprise and China’s coastal society. and 1810, China witnessed an upsurge a significant feature of early modern in piracy all along the southern coast China’s history. Piracy was also impor- Furthermore, pirates built strongholds from Zhejiang province to Hainan tant because it allowed marginalized not only on remote islands, but in and Island. This was China’s golden age of fishermen, sailors, and petty entrepre- around key commercial and political piracy. During that time there were three neurs, who had otherwise been exclud- hubs such as Canton, Macao, Chaozhou, great pirate cycles: first, the merchant- ed, to participate in the wider commer- Amoy, and Fuzhou. There they defiant- pirates of the mid-Ming dynasty from cial economy. ly set up their ‘tax bureaus’ to collect trib- 1520 to 1575; second, the rebel-pirates of ute and ransom payments and to con- the Ming-Qing transition between 1620 While piracy detracted from legitimate spire with soldiers, yamen underlings, and 1684; and third, the commoner- trade and profits, it nonetheless had and officials on their payrolls. The close pirates of the mid-Qing dynasty from important positive economic conse- proximity of pirate lairs to economic and 1780 to 1810. For no less than half of quences. As the growth of legitimate political centres was clear indication of those 290 years pirates dominated the commerce promoted the development of just how deeply piracy had penetrated seas around South China. Never before new ports, so too did pirates’ illicit trade. China’s maritime society. in history had piracy been so strong and Numerous ports and black markets enduring. While in the West the heyday sprung up along China’s coast and on Piracy and popular culture of piracy was in decline by the early eigh- Taiwan to handle the trade in stolen Although many scholars agree that early modern China was becoming more cul- pirates, and seafarers in general, existed uneasily on turally homogeneous, this was not the case among some segments of the the fringes of respectable society labouring poor, whose culture was in Small Pirate Junk with Sail and Oars. Source: Gujin tushu jicheng (1884) many respects the antithesis of Confu- Antony, Robert J. 2003. Like froth Floating on the Sea: the World of Pirates and Seafarers in Late Imperial South China. teenth century – the pirate population at goods and to service pirate ships and cian orthodoxy. Pirates, and seafarers in Berkely: Institute of East Asian Studies. p. 109 its peak never exceeded 5,500 men – the crews. Black markets operated as a shad- general, existed uneasily on the fringes number of pirates in China at its height ow economy alongside and in competi- of respectable society. They were social ingly lived and died as outlaws. Several well as length of time - made it a signif- was no less than 70,000. On the one tion with legitimate trade centres. Fur- and cultural transgressors, who stood in female pirates even became powerful icant factor in modern China’s histori- hand, pirates brought havoc to many thermore, this illegitimate trade tended marked defiance of orthodox values and chieftains, such as Zheng Yi Sao and Cai cal development. There were not only local communities and disrupted the to perpetuate piracy. Once pirates gener- standards of behaviour. Forged out of Qian Ma, both of whom commanded tens of thousands of sailors and fisher- economy; on the other, they contributed ated supplies of goods for sale at discount hardship, prejudice and poverty, pirates formidable pirate fleets. These and other men who became pirates, but at least as to the economic, social, and cultural prices, buyers were attracted to the black created a culture of survival based on vio- female pirates were able to survive in a many or even more people on shore who development of early modern China. markets that arose to handle the trade in lence, crime and vice, characterized by man’s world by proving themselves as aided and supported pirates, thus affect- stolen goods. Large amounts of money excessive profanity, intoxication, gam- capable as men in battle and in their ing a large portion of the coastal popu- Maritime history from the and goods flowed in and out of black bling, brawling, and sexual promiscuity. duties as sailors. Women were not mere- lation. Both directly and indirectly, pira- bottom up markets, all of which were outside the Mobile seamen carried their ideas and ly tolerated by their male shipmates but cy had a great impact on the economic The study of pirates is important for control of the state and normal trading values from port to port and between were actually able to exercise leadership development of South China in the early what it can tell us about the lives of ordi- networks. The establishment of markets ships. The mobility of crews helped to roles aboard ships. modern period. Pirates helped open up nary people. The vast majority of Chi- to specifically handle stolen merchandise ensure social uniformity and a common new trading ports and markets in areas nese pirates came from the discontent- was a clear indication of weakness in the culture among pirates and other seamen. Female pirates represented the most that had previously been little touched ed underclass of labouring poor, sailors structure of normal, legal markets. radical departure from dominant socie- by the prevailing marketing system, and fishermen forced into piracy by Pirates therefore made important con- The culture of pirates and seafarers did ty and customs, defying accepted thereby boosting the local economies poverty. They were typically single males tributions to the growth of trade and the not share the dominant Confucian val- notions of womanhood, breaking with with goods and money. who lacked steady employment and reallocation of local capital. ues of honesty, frugality, self-restraint, established codes of female propriety, were constantly in debt. Most pirates and hard work, but rather espoused virtue, and passivity. Unlike their coun- Large-scale piracy acted as a state with- were in their twenties; few were over At the height of their power huge pirate deception, ambition, recklessness, and terparts on Western ships, Chinese in the state. Pirates established their forty. Sailors were a highly mobile work leagues gained firm holds over many getting ahead by any means. In a socie- women pirates did not have to disguise own regime of military power, tax force, moving around from port to port coastal villages and port towns, as well ty that was becoming increasingly polar- themselves as men. They lived and bureaus, and bureaucracy, which exist- taking whatever jobs were available. as over shipping and fishing enterpris- ized, restless and contentious, poor worked openly as women aboard ships. ed side-by-side with, but independently When times were hard and jobs were es, through the systematic use of terror, sailors and fishermen had to devise their From the perspective of the Chinese of, the Chinese imperial state and local scarce many sailors took work aboard bribery, and extortion. During such own lifestyles, habits, and standards of state, such women who behaved like elites. Pirates and seafarers created their pirate ships as they would aboard any times all ships operating along China’s own underworld culture of violence, other ship. Piracy was a rational and coast were liable to pirate attack unless crime, and vice. It was a survival culture viable alternative or supplement to inad- they bought safe-conduct passes. To the extortion system was highly institutionalised with significant because it was distinguish- equate employment and low wages. For avoid attack, merchant and fishing junks registration certificates, account books, full-time able from that of the dominant Confu- most people it was a part-time occupa- paid protection fees to the pirates, who cian culture. For men and especially for tion; most gang members were occa- in turn issued passports guaranteeing bookkeepers, and collection bureaus women, piracy offered an important sional, not professional pirates. Piracy impunity to the purchaser. In the early alternative way of life. < therefore had an important function in nineteenth century pirates had virtual behaviour to survive. For many sailors, men perverted the social order and nor- providing work, even on a part-time control over the state-monopolized salt piracy was a normal, rational, and even mal gender relationships, turning Con- References basis, for countless numbers of people trade, and even Western merchants had legitimate means of maintaining mini- fucian orthodoxy on its head. Indeed, - Antony, Robert. 2003. Like Froth Floating who could not be fully absorbed into the to pay ‘tribute’ to the pirates to protect mal standards of living, perhaps a way they challenged the patriarchal hierar- on the Sea: The World of Pirates and Seafar- labour market. their ships. The extortion system was out of poverty. Their socio-cultural world chy upon which both the state and soci- ers in Late Imperial South China.
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