Impact of Memory and Post-Conflict Reconstruction Efforts in Mizoram

Impact of Memory and Post-Conflict Reconstruction Efforts in Mizoram

Mizoram University Journal of Humanities & Social Sciences (A Bi-Annual Refereed Journal) Vol IV Issue 2, December 2018 ISSN: 2395-7352 eISSN:2581-6780 Impact of Memory and Post-Conflict Reconstruction Efforts in Mizoram Rohmingmawii Pachuau* Abstract The Mizo insurgency movement called Rambuai reigned over with chaos and turbulence from 1966-1986. The immediate reason for conflict in Mizoram was the dreadful “Mautam Famine” of 1959 and the consequent lack of state action to address the condition of the Mizoram district. The Mizoram insurgency broke out with the declaration of Mizoram independence from the Indian Union by the Mizo National Front. It spawned a full-fledged Uprising in 1966. The insurgency and counter insurgency measures adopted by the Indian Government brought severe misery and sufferings and left a deep psychological and emotional impact on the civilian population of the Mizos. The use of air force, sexual violence and grouping of villages in particular turned insurgency in the district to be the darkest period in the history of Mizoram. However, the biggest challenges faced by post-conflict societies are how to deal with and remember the crimes of the past. In many countries, clarification of historical memory of the past has become a cause for political debates and provoked tensions among social groups. Mizoram has not escaped the debate over historical memory of Rambuai. Nevertheless, in recent years, generations of Mizo researchers and scholars have addressed the ethnic movement from a myriad of theoretical and political perspectives to reconstruct and re-visit the untold memories. In pursuance of the growing effort, the paper will examine the post-conflict reconstruction efforts in Mizoram and the impact of memory upon the rebuilding process. Keywords: Memory, Reconstruction, Memorials, Commemorations, Mizo Insurgency. Memory plays a crucial role in post- framework, the paper is a study of trauma conflict reconstruction, as it aids the and collective memory; its impact and the establishment of a collective memory, social process through which such which in turn contributes to the creation memory is constructed and maintained. of cultural identity, and the establishment Cultural trauma should be distinguished of a narrative of truth, both of which are from the classical and popular notions of necessary in the rebuilding process. Using trauma, which have in common the the theory of cultural trauma as its naturalistic assumption that trauma results * Assistant Professor, Department of English, Govt. Aizawl College 125 Rohmingmawii Pachuau from a wound inflicted on the body or the Social scientists and human rights mind through an overwhelming event scholars have asserted the importance of which imposes itself on a victim memory both in reconciliation and healing (Alexander: 2004). By contrast, cultural after mass violence. However, it is trauma is more contingent and involves difficult to determine the most appropriate discursive practices, collectivities, way to facilitate reconciliation between collective memory and collective identity groups who previously torture, rape, stole in a struggle to define what is experienced from or killed one another, as there is no as traumatic. (Eyerman,2011). There can ‘one-size-fits-all’ approach. While be no doubt that Mizo insurgency policies cannot remedy the murder of ‘Rambuai’ was traumatic in the social and one’s family, scholars, activists and scholarly meaning of the term. The practitioners argue that some action must inhuman trauma caused to the Mizos by be taken post- violence in order to address the Indian army during the insurgency the trauma of these human rights violation period resulted in the death of 2116 (Caruth,1995). Nations, often in an effort innocent people.(Lalhmanmawia,2011) to overcome a contentious past, create Due to the atrocities countless number of collective memories for the country to men were made handicapped or physically disabled. Moreover, almost eighty two draw on for years to come. percent of Mizoram’s total population was The phenomena of a group shared evacuated and relocated in village memory has been studied under many groupings. More than 300,000 houses different labels – public memory, collected were burned to ashes and even the church memory, social memory, collective buildings were not spared in many memory – all of which are not perfectly villages. Various brutalities and inhuman synonymous (see Young, 1993, Osborne, treatment given to the general population 1998) This article does not provide an was to such a shameful degree that the exhaustive review of these work, but ideals of right to live, right to freedom of rather defines collective memory and its expression and question of justice never attributes in a way that provides a gained a ground. Arbitrary arrests, detention without reasonable grounds, foundation for the present arguments. molestation and rape of innocent women, Halbwachs (1992, p 38) emphasized the inhuman treatment or torture of innocents social nature of all memory stating that on ground of suspicion etc, were common individual thought is capable of the act of incidents. The population also suffered a recollection only in so far as one places great deal at the hands of the MNF army. oneself within the social frameworks of The trauma came to an end with the memory. Along this line Hutton (1993) signing of peace accord between the MNF defines collective memory as an ‘elaborate and the government of India on the 30th network of social mores, values, and ideals June, 1986. that marks out the dimension of our 126 Impact of Memory and Post-Conflict Reconstruction Efforts in Mizoram imaginations according to the attitudes of In this regard, one can distinguish official the social group to which we relate’ (cited collective memory from cultural memory, in Osborne, 1998). This network is where different interpretations of the past populated by what Halbwachs (1992:222- confront one another (Mitztal, 2003). 3) refers to as ‘landmarks’, that is, Individual memory and the collective ‘particular figures, dates and periods of memory of various groups are important time’ which localize a society’s mores, of course, as they contribute to collective values and ideals. While Halbwachs states memory, in some cases offering a counter that ‘landmarks’ are always carried ‘within to official versions. The Mizo public ourselves’ (1992:175), he seeks to go experience of violence during Rambuai beyond a psychological explanation of came to the fore almost a decade after the memory (Olick and Robbins, 1998) outbreak of the movement, with the Indeed, collective memory ‘exists in the formation of Human Rights Committee in world’ and such ‘landmarks’ and 1974 by Brig. Thenphunga Sailo. Over the collective memories are often ‘material’ past few years, there has been an increase and are dependent on how groups interact in the prominence of memorials in post- with them ( Osborne,2001).( Zerubavel, conflict Mizo society. The magnitude and 2003) argues that collective memory is a cruelty of armed conflicts continue to process of groups gaining an ample come to light as testimonies of victims and amount of social memories of their past publication of diaries, literature portraying and is a way to practice recollection so Rambuai, (the trouble period) have that the past becomes something that is increased studies and scholarly articles, cognitively recognizable. Monuments and historical records are being examined and memorials are common materializations memories are re-visited. There exists a of collective memory and are dealt with growing attempt to unfold the truth, to later. retell stories, do justice to those no more, and to provide unbiased history for the As with all memory, collective future generation. Rambuai Literature, a memory is represented and reproduced in book offering interesting fare of MNF narrative form through various means such narratives vaporizing the movement and as oral telling, literature, film, monuments, also literature offering the flip side of memorials and commemorative events many a story ‘ non MNF narratives’ such as anniversaries and holidays. emanating from pastors, church elders, Through such media and related rituals, the pensioners, ex-servicemen, school stories and myths that congeal as collective teachers and all those who have something memory serve as a foundation upon which to tell, to narrate is being published. A collective identity rests. In the case of central aspect of the cultural trauma nations, there is no single collective process is this collective attempt to locate memory; rather, there are many voices that the cause of suffering, to place blame and overtime achieve some cohesive clarity. to point remedies. 127 Rohmingmawii Pachuau Since the 1990s “memory boom”1 of experience of human rights abuses has scholarship engaging in memory politics often been neglected in transitional justice and commemoration, social science approaches, with lack of regard for the disciplines have emerged with a new complex injuries and violations that found heuristic for understanding history, women suffer. However, the issue of how identity, social movements and social to remember sexual and gender-based relations. After the rediscovery of Maurice violence, including gendered torture, Habwach’s book, On Collective Memory, mutilation and rape of women, posed an social scientist began to re-examine the extremely difficult challenge. This is in ways in which the past effect the present. part due to the fact that the topic of sexual One central trend within memory studies violence and discussion of sexuality more explores how communities, movements generally, is culturally taboo. The and nations remember their pasts in ways complicated process of remembering that create a sense of solidarity or gendered violence during National or state exceptionality within the larger global commemoration or memorial projects community. Much of these trends build within a context of silence, secrecy and upon Benedict Anderson’s prominent shame among rape survivors, especially analysis of how “imagined communities” those who have since remarried creates are created and maintained to make challenges for public testimony.

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