Politicized Immigrant Identity, Spanish-Language Media, and Political Mobilization in 2012 Sergio I. Garcia-Rios, Matt A. Barreto RSF: The Russell Sage Foundation Journal of the Social Sciences, Volume 2, Number 3, June 2016, pp. 78-96 (Article) Published by Russell Sage Foundation For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/625098 [ Access provided at 28 Sep 2021 21:40 GMT with no institutional affiliation ] Politicized Immigrant Identity, Spanish- Language Media, and Political Mobilization in 2012 sergio i. garcia-­Rios and matt a. barreto Social identity theorists have long studied identity as one of the prime determinants of behavior. However, political scientists have had a hard time identifying consistent patterns between ethnic identity and political participation, especially among immigrants. In this paper, we take a more complex approach and explore whether a sense of immigrant linked fate is salient in explaining political participation among immigrants and, further, what may have caused immigrant identity to become so politicized. Specifically, we look at the issue of immigration reform in 2011 and 2012, and the manner in which both positive and negative mes- sages were a catalyst for a politicized immigrant identity, and the resulting mobilizing effects. Using the 2012 Latino Immigrant National Election Study data, we argue that exposure to Spanish- language news media and feelings of immigrant-linked fate created a politicized immigrant identity among Latino immi- grants, which resulted in greater political participation and civic engagement. Rather than seeing immi- grants as low- resourced and unengaged in American politics, our theory of politicized immigrant identity explains that Latino immigrants draw on their identity as immigrants and as Americans to participate in their new homeland. Keywords: immigrant identity, Spanish-language media, linked fate, Latino politics, 2012 election In December 2005, Republican Congressman nity: attempts to pass a comprehensive immi- Jim Sensenbrenner introduced House Resolu- gration bill in 2006–2007, then candidate tion 4437, which was viewed as one of the strict- Barack Obama’s promise that he would get im- est anti-immigration bills introduced in the migration reform passed in 2009, Arizona’s U.S. Congress in modern times. In response, controversial anti-immigration racial profiling millions of immigrants and their allies took to law in 2010, sit-ins by DREAMers in 2011, record the streets in protest in the spring of 2006 and deportations by the Obama administration, suddenly immigration reform was thrust on to Mitt Romney’s infamous self- deport policy, the national stage as a major policy issue. In and finally the executive administrative order the years since, the immigration issue has only known as DACA (Deferred Action for Child- grown more important to both immigrant- hood Arrivals) in 2012. Indeed, the polling firm rights advocates and their opponents. Indeed, Latino Decisions reports that immigration re- a steady drum beat of high- profile issues have form became the top issue for Latino voters in created the space for immigration to become 2012, a shift from 2008 when the economy was a major political issue in the Latino commu- the top issue. According to new research on the Sergio I. Garcia- Rios is assistant professor of government and Latino studies at Cornell University. Matt A. Barreto is professor of political science and Chicana/o studies at the University of California, Los Angeles. Direct correspondence to: Sergio I. Garcia- Rios at [email protected], Cornell University, 308 White Hall, Ithaca, NY 14853; and Matt A. Barreto at [email protected], University of California, 4289 Bunche Hall, Los Angeles, CA 90095. immigrant identity and mobilization 79 Latino vote in 2012, both Loren Collingwood, on a spectrum from being purely interpersonal Matt Barreto, and Sergio Garcia-Rios (2014) and on the one hand to purely intergroup on the Barreto and Collingwood (2015) argue that the other (Tajfel 1978; Tajfel and Turner 1979). They anti-immigrant rhetoric on the Right, and pro- maintain that moving from the interpersonal immigrant response from the Left framed the to the intergroup end of the spectrum changes entire election climate for Latinos. Likewise, how people see themselves and each other. Leonie Huddy and her colleagues report in this Drawing on his own social cognition work issue that perceived hostility by Republicans (Tajfel and Wilkes 1963), Tajfel argues that the strongly affected Latino immigrant partisan mere process of making salient “us and them” identity as Democrats in 2012. In this paper, we distinctions changes the way people see each ask what effect exposure to immigration mes- other. The motivating principle underlying saging had on political engagement and par- competitive intergroup behavior was a desire ticipation among Latino immigrants. Did the for a positive and secure self- concept (Turner discussion of immigration as a political issue 1975; Ethier and Deaux 1994; Ullah 1987). There- influence a politicized immigrant identity that fore, if people are motivated to have a positive contributed to immigrant political participa- self- concept, they should be motivated to think tion, or did it leave them frustrated and disen- of their groups as good groups. Striving for a chanted with the political system? positive social identity, group members are Social identity theorists have long studied motivated to think and act in ways that achieve identity as one of the prime determinants of or maintain a positive distinctiveness between behavior. However, political scientists have ones’ own group and relevant out- groups. had a hard time identifying consistent patterns Thus, ethnic identification is one of the prime between ethnic identity and political participa- bases for participation in social movements tion, especially among immigrants. We take a (Simon et al. 1998). more complex approach and explore whether However, although social identity theory a sense of ethnic linked fate among Latino im- suggests that upholding a positive distinctive- migrants is salient in explaining political par- ness is a natural instinct, doing so is difficult ticipation and, further, what may have contrib- for Latin American immigrants, who are usu- uted to immigrant identity becoming so ally pushed from their country of origin and politicized. Specifically, we look at the issue of pulled into the United States precisely because immigration reform in 2011 and 2012, the man- of their lack of resources (Staudt and Garcia- ner in which both positive and negative mes- Rios 2011). For Latino immigrants in America sages were catalysts for a politicized immigrant today, identities are complex and dynamic. The identity, and the resulting mobilizing effects. very act of migration implies the confrontation Using the 2012 Latino Immigrant National of a new set of norms and expectations that Election Study (LINES) survey data, we argue shape how immigrants see themselves and, that exposure to Spanish- language news media consequently, how they act. For instance, the and feelings of immigrant linked fate created acquisition of English opens an important a politicized immigrant identity among Latino door into American culture, particularly thor- immigrants, which resulted in greater political ough English- language media. Conversely, the participation and civic engagement. Rather Spanish- language media reflects the immi- than seeing immigrants as low- resourced and grant experience and reinforces ties to the unengaged in American politics, our theory of home country (Suro 1994). Although English- politicized immigrant identity explains that language media prevails in terms of availabil- Latino immigrants draw on their identity as ity, Spanish- language media has been increas- immigrants and as Americans to participate in ing exponentially in recent years. Given the their new homeland. dual challenge of learning a new culture and preserving their culture and identity, immi- identity theoRy and ImMigRantS grants choose to criss- cross between media The social psychologists Henri Tajfel and John outlets. A study by the Pew Hispanic Center Turner argue that human interaction ranges shows that about two-thirds of first generation : 80 immigrants inside politics/outside citizenship Latinos watch at least some of their news in Guerra 1992; Mollenkopf, Olson, and Ross English, more than those who report using En- 2001; Pachon 1991; Shaw, de la Garza, and Lee glish at work. Moreover, an overwhelming 78 2001). Wendy Tam Cho argues that naturalized percent of all Latinos say that the Spanish- citizens are likely to participate less than language media is “very important to the eco- native- born citizens because they have had less nomic and political development of the His- exposure to the U.S. political system. Her data panic population” (Suro 2004, 2.) analysis of a 1984 public opinion survey in Cal- Given the increase in Spanish media avail- ifornia leads her to conclude that “the lower ability and Spanish- language news outlets, as participation rate among minorities is now well as the increased politization of Latino largely dependent upon being foreign- born identity, we hold that the choice of news con- and not being able to speak English” (1999, sumption has political implications. How you 1150). Examining data from 1996, Loretta Bass get your news not only shapes how you see the and Lynn Casper also find that among natural-