Criminological Theory in Context

Criminological Theory in Context

Criminological Theory in Context 00_Chamberlain_Prelims.indd 1 12/1/2014 3:15:18 PM POSTMODERN CRITICAL 8 STANDPOINTS AND THE CRIMINAL LIFE COURSE CHAPTER CONTENTS Chapter overview 143 Introduction: Critical criminology revisited 144 Key summary points 149 Further reading 149 Positivism and realism, postmodernism and anti-realism 150 Narrative and life story research within criminology 152 Key summary points 153 Further reading 154 Life Course criminology 155 Moffitt’s Dual Taxonomy 155 Hirschi’s Social Control Theory 157 Sampson and Laub’s Age Graded Stability and Change Model 158 Targeted Life Course interventions 159 Key summary points 160 Further reading 161 Self-study task 161 CHAPTER OVERVIEW The chapter explores the development of the contemporary Critical criminologi- cal concern with the life course of offending behaviour. It begins by outlining how (Continued) 08_Chamberlain_Ch-08.indd 143 12/1/2014 10:16:23 AM (Continued) Critical criminological positions encompass a range of differing approaches, all of which have their own particular emphases and nuances, and furthermore, they have been categorised under various headings, including Marxist criminology, Radical criminology, Left Realism, Feminist criminology, Sociological criminology or the Sociology of Deviance, Peacemaking criminology and Cultural criminology, to name but a few. This chapter then discusses how influencing the develop- ment of Critical standpoints in criminology and the emphasis on the duality of structure has been the rejection of positivism and the emergence of postmodern sensibilities. This leads on to discuss how postmodernist anti-realist viewpoints accord equal validity to all perspectives and voices. This position is congruent with contemporary Critical criminology perspectives, such as Cultural criminology, as well as qualitative research methodologies. It has led to the development of an increasing focus within criminology over the last three decades on narrative and biographical life story forms of qualitative research as part of a broader concern with tracing the life course of offending behaviour. The chapter then discusses how the development of Life Course criminology is not solely bound up with the postmodern narrative turn within Critical forms of crimi- nology. Indeed, Life Course criminology can arguably trace its roots back to the ear- ly Chicago School discussed in Chapter 5. The chapter highlights how Life Course criminology focuses on tracing over time the life trajectories and stories of criminals. As well as that it is viewed as an integrated theory of crime in that it seeks to incorpo- rate both developmental biological-psychological and social factors within its analy- sis of the criminal career trajectory from youth delinquency to adult offending. The chapter then explores two influential Life Course theories: Moffitt’s Dual Taxonomy (1993) and Sampson and Laub’s Age Graded Stability and Change Model (1993). After outlining these respective theories, the chapter concludes by highlight- ing that research does seem to show that institutions, such as the family, school, employment and so on, have differing capacities to modify criminal trajectories at different stages in the life course. It is suggested that during the early years family relationships are important in shaping behaviour, however as children grow direct parental impact lessens and peer groups and social institutions such as schools become more important, while in adulthood schools and parents both take a backseat to jobs and spouses as primary mechanisms for social control. As a result Life Course criminologists often argue for the value of implementing a broad range of preventive school and penal system based interventions to promote a change in the criminal career trajectory. However, it is noted that this approach is often at odds with the more punitive Right Realist youth crime agenda of most western societies of the last three decades, which has seen an increase in juvenile punishment and incarceration rates worldwide. INTRODUCTION: CRITICAL CRIMINOLOGY REVISITED This chapter builds on the material covered in previous chapters to examine the impact of postmodernism on contemporary criminology as well as the emergence 144 Criminological Theory in Context 08_Chamberlain_Ch-08.indd 144 12/1/2014 10:16:24 AM of a life course perspective, which is a somewhat relatively new way of thinking about how an individual’s life is determined through the occurrence of certain life events, including their experience of deviant and criminal acts, both as victim and offender. Previous chapters have historically traced the development of criminology as a discipline by examining the emergence in western societies over the last 200 years of rational choice, psychological, biological and sociological theoretical approaches to examining the causes of crime. In doing so, the chap- ters reinforced the value of acknowledging the role of psychological and biological factors in influencing human behaviour, particularly when examining topics such as the care and treatment of mentally disordered as well as violent and sex offenders, while at the same time emphasising the central role of society in both creating and shaping responses to the problem of crime. Indeed, contem- porary academic criminology is arguably dominated by a critical concern with issues of social diversity, power and inequality when it comes to addressing the highly complex and multilayered problem that is crime (Young, 2011). The historical development of Critical criminological positions discussed from Chapter 6 onwards readily attests to the fact that it is a highly complex area of the criminological corpus. It certainly encompasses a range of differing approaches, all of which have their own particular emphases and nuances, and furthermore, they have been categorised under various headings – Marxist criminology, Radical criminology, Left Realism, Feminist criminology, Sociological criminology or the Sociology of Deviance, Peacemaking criminol- ogy and Cultural Criminology, to name but a few (Radzinowicz, 1999). There is no single way of marking out a clear path through these various critical posi- tions. However, we can for the sake of clarity say that a key distinguishing feature of Critical forms of criminology is that they reject utterly and com- pletely the notion that a disinterested and value-free criminology is possible, and indeed, they by and large embrace the fact that their work is value-loaded, for they stand in complete opposition to unequal political, economic and social structures and relationships. Critical forms of criminology are therefore politi- cally engaged and focus attention on the role played by broader socio-structural factors, such socio-economic and gender-based inequalities, rather than view- points that emphasise biological and psychological developmental factors, in shaping how a person responds to being labelled a criminal and seeks to man- age a ‘spoiled identity’ (Young, 2011). This is because underpinning the various Critical criminology positions is a shared point of view which rejects the emphasis placed by situational crime prevention perspectives and rational choice models of crime and criminality on the individual social actor as the source and cause of crime and criminality. Rather, although they by and large accept that people indeed do choose to engage in deviance and crime, Critical criminological viewpoints emphasise the role played by prevailing social cir- cumstances and conditions in shaping the actions of both law makers and law breakers (Chamberlain, 2013). Up until the 1960s mainstream criminological thinking was heavily influ- enced by the work of Durkheim, who adopted a functionalist position regarding Postmodernism and the Criminal Life Course 145 08_Chamberlain_Ch-08.indd 145 12/1/2014 10:16:24 AM how societies operate and who therefore saw that crime was useful for society. One of the key features of Durkheim’s work was that he liked to emphasise order and consensus in society and how group bonds form in and through shared norms and values. Therefore, Durkheim focused on deviance and crime as something whose function is to help maintain a sense of common feeling amongst society’s members by enabling the mass of people – i.e. lawful citizens – to identify with each other and create common social ties and bonds, through differentiating themselves from the law breakers. Labelling Theory, which emerged from the Chicago School of the sociology of deviance in the 1960s, by and large shares this approach as it emphasises how the societal reaction to acts of crime creates consensus amongst groups of people that certain individuals are deviant. However, as Chapters 6 and 7 outlined, Critical criminology first emerged in the 1960s and 1970s under the banner of Marxist and then Feminist criminology. Both of which, in contrast to Labelling Theory and func- tionalist viewpoints, adopt a conflict perspective when examining society in general and the problem of crime in particular. That is, they see society as being shaped by conflicts amongst people who have competing self- and group inter- ests. Even though at any one time a society may seem to agree on basic values and goals, such as the individual’s right to pursue love, happiness and a reward- ing career and family life, the existence of scarce resources and the tendency for them to be allocated unequally, means that someone (or some group) is benefiting at the expense of someone else. Indeed, Critical criminologists

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