Available online at www.jmle.org The National Association for Media Literacy Education’s Journal of Media Literacy Education 4:3 (2012) 198-212 Framing the Future of Fanfiction: HowThe New York Times’ Portrayal of a Youth Media Subculture Influences Beliefs about Media Literacy Education Drew Emanuel Berkowitz Pedagogy and Philosophy, Montclair State University, Montclair, NJ, USA Abstract This article discusses how online fanfiction communities, their members, and their literacy practices are portrayed within popular and news media discourses. Many media literacy scholars believe these youth media subcultures practice complex and sophisticated forms of “new media” literacy. However, when educators attempt to incorporate these practices into K-12 literacy programs, the public’s reac- tions may be heavily influenced by the media’s documented patterns of marginalizing, dismissing, and denouncing youth subcultures. This study employs frame and critical discourse analysis in order to examine how the news media’s portrayal of fanfiction shapes and reflects the beliefs of teachers, students, and parents. Keywords: fanfiction, new media literacy, K-12, discourse analysis Many contemporary youth subcultures non-academic, non-creative, subversive, or extra-legal informally practice complex and sophisticated forms (Black 2009; Chandler-Olcott and Mahar 2003; Kell of new media literacy (NML). The members of 2009; Stein and Busse 2009). This article examines “fanfiction communities,” for example, take characters how the news media’s portrayal of fanfiction subculture and situations from existing television shows, books, affects the public’s expectations and perceptions of video games, and movies, and actively transform this teachers who bring fanfiction into the classroom. material into original fiction or artwork (Jenkins 1992; In a recent issue of the Journal of Media Mackey and McClay 2008). Several literacy scholars Literacy Education, Townsend and Ryan (2012, 4(2): and practitioners believe that classroom pedagogies 149-58) called for research exploring how media should be changed to reflect non-academic, subcultural narratives influence “what the students in our schools, practices like fanfiction (Gee 2004; Gee and Hayes 2010; their parents, and the politicians and administrators who Knobel and Lankshear 2007; Lankshear and Knobel mandate public school policy expect of teachers” (156). 2008; The New London Group 1996). Researchers like Knowledge of educational expectations contributes to Black (2009), Thomas (2006), Chandler-Olcott and the “context of reception” which guides a teacher’s Mahar (2003) suggest these practices are much more decisions about classroom policies and practices (Davis “meaningful and engaging” than traditional literacies 1997, 154). In order to answer this call for research, my (Chandler-Olcott and Mahar 2003, 557). However, study examined all articles from a popular news media when educators attempt to incorporate fanfiction into outlet, The New York Times, which reported, analyzed, K-12 literacy programs, the public’s reactions may be or discussed the fanfiction community, its members, heavily influenced by the media’s documented patterns and its practices. I employed a combination of frame of marginalizing, dismissing, and denouncing youth analysis and critical discourse analysis techniques, subcultures (Hall and Jefferson 2006; Hebdige 1979). designed to identify how The New York Times reflects Literacy researchers generally regard fanfiction and influences socio-cultural beliefs about fanfiction (or fan fiction) communities as safe spaces for children and fanfiction-based literacies. This process addressed to critically explore popular culture texts, social the following research questions: dynamics, cultural norms, and their own identities 1. What discourses does The New York Times (Black 2009; Chandler-Olcott and Mahar 2003; employ in its definition of fanfiction? Thomas 2007). Yet, many of these scholars also claim 2. How is fanfiction culture characterized by the that popular discourse widely dismisses fanfiction as discourses? 199 D.E. Berkowitz / Journal of Media Literacy Education 4:3 (2012) 198-212 3. What discourses does The New York Times of hegemony as a moving equilibrium, and Claude employ in its characterization of fanfiction Lévi-Strauss’ definition of bricolage as science of the practitioners? concrete (Clarke, Hall, Jefferson, and Roberts 2006). 4. What is the purpose and future of fanfiction These “hegemonic” researchers envisioned according to the discourses? culture as a complex network of groups and classes, each competing to disseminate and naturalize their Fanfiction as Subculture specific tastes upon the rest of society. Since some The term fanfiction describes specific patterns groups have more access to the distribution of ideas of textual production and consumption (Hetcher 2009; and information (i.e., the mass media), the power to Stasi 2006). Fanfiction authors frequently rely on their produce and impose taste upon society is unevenly readers’ knowledge of established characters and stories distributed between social groups. Several CCCS in order to craft original works of fiction (Chandler- researchers examined how the media’s most dominant Olcott and Mahar 2003). This source material “offers discourses and ideologies reflected the interests and a framework of requirements which most fan writers taste preferences of society’s most powerful social choose to obey” to varying degrees (Stein and Busse classes (CCCS Mugging Group 2006; Clarke 2006b). 2009, 195), and fanfiction communities “define For example, Dick Hebdige’s (1979, 2006) case studies themselves around shared readings” of these intertextual of British punk and mod subcultures demonstrated how connections (197). society’s dominant classes used mass media to frame During the 1960s, fans of Star Trek began subcultural styles as deviant, immature, or abnormal. exchanging original stories through fan-interest Jenkins synthesized these cultural theories magazines (“fanzines”) and science fiction conventions with Pierre Bourdieu’s (1979) assertion that “those (Coppa 2006; Verba 1996). In Japan, amateur manga who regard themselves as the possessors of legitimate artists began circulating dōjinshi, self-published culture” cannot tolerate alternatives to dominant media comic books frequently based on popular anime and preferences (56-57). His own insider experiences manga stories (Leavitt and Horbinski 2012). Today, as a fanfiction practitioner led him to conclude that many young fanfiction practitioners gather in online marginalization was deeply engrained in the language communities, formed by common media preferences of media discourse. Jenkins (1992) described several rather than demographics such as race, gender, age, examples of this negative media discourse within non- class, or ability (Black 2009; Thomas 2006). These fiction books, television programs, and films (12-15). diverse environments allow participants (especially Jenkins also cited Ien Ang’s (1985) survey of “marginalized” adolescents) opportunities to construct Dutch viewers of the television program Dallas. Ang and maintain “thought, identity, and social position” found that respondents who disliked Dallas were far (Moje 2000, 252) by exercising a range of out-of-school more comfortable articulating their taste preferences literacy practices (Chandler-Olcott and Mahar 2003; than respondents who considered themselves “fans.” Gee 2004). She also observed that fans struggled to define their Many fanfiction scholars refer to these appreciation of Dallas as innocent or unproblematic, communities as “subcultures” (Hadas 2009; Jenkins while non-fans appealed to widely-circulated, negative 1992; Lothian 2011). Henry Jenkins, the father of portrayals of Dallas within “mass culture” (104-110). contemporary fanfiction studies (TWC Editor 2008), According to Jenkins, Ang’s study illustrated how me- based his research on the Centre for Contemporary dia stereotypes influence popular discourse, preventing Cultural Studies’ “hegemonic” approach to youth fans from defending or articulating the merits of their culture. The CCCS’s research defined “subculture” as preferences and practices. the rituals, practices, and styles of those subordinate groups who are “alternately dismissed, denounced Fanfiction and Discourse and canonized; treated at different times as threats Many fanfiction scholars share Jenkins’ view to public order and as harmless buffoons” (Hebdige that fanfiction practices are marginalized within popular 1979, 2). This conception of subculture was heavily discourse. Several scholars suggest these prevalent influenced by several twentieth century sociological cultural sentiments complicate attempts to implement theories, including Roland Barthes’ notion of second- fanfiction-based classroom literacy practices: according level signification, Antonio Gramsci’s conception to a MacArthur Foundation white paper, despite the 200 D.E. Berkowitz / Journal of Media Literacy Education 4:3 (2012) 198-212 pervasiveness of fanfiction among youth, “school arts 2002). This “context of reception” includes a number and creative writing programs remain hostile to overt of contradictory news media and academic narratives signs of repurposed content, emphasizing the ideal of which “influence and construct the thoughts and ac- the autonomous artist” (Jenkins et al. 2006, 33). Since tions” of policy makers and implementers (Davis 1997, fanfiction frequently incorporates