Report for posting on WWW website. Other than Agent 109 representing a Cajamarca ethnicity, another possible event is being proposed here. The event focuses on the probability that the ethnic identity of Agent 109 represents the Huancavilcas of Ecuador. Who were the Huancavilcas? At the time of conquest, the Huancavilcas occupied the Ecuadorian coastal area of Guayaquil Bay with the Isla de Puná and west through the Santa Elena Peninsula whereas the regions north are considered the Manteño heartland though with their possible dominance over the Huancavilcas (McEwan and Delgado-Espinoza 2008: 509-510; Stothert 2001: 251-271). Among the hundreds of post-colonial drawings by Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala there are three depicting males who wear nose rings and earrings (Guaman Poma 1615/1616: 163, 246, 386), and have simple caps or a headband tied in front. One is shown as a cargadore with ropes around the shoulders (IBID: 246) and another designates tribes that the Inca Atahualpa subdued as represented by captain, Challco Chima (IBID: 183). Among the named tribes (Chachapoya, Cañari, Ciccho, Puruuay, Cico, Chupaycho) is “Guanca Bilca” or Huancavilca (Sarmiento [1999]:171). The third depicts Inca Atahualpa at the city of Cajamarca as he sits on his usnu or throne listening to Fray Vicente (IBID: 386). At the right is their legua or interpreter, Felipe, with a raised hand pointing upward. The accompanying text describes him as yndio Guanca Vilca or Huancavilca native and this image confirms the same ethnic traits in the other drawings. More precisely, Jacinto Jijón y Caamaño (1988 [1941]: 116) in reference to Garcilaso de la Vega wrote that Felipe - aka Felipillo - was Pizarro’s famous interpreter from the isle of Puná (Gheerbrant 1961: 379). During his career Felipe’s amateur translations may have led to misunderstandings, but faulting him for conspiring against Atahualpa was the Spaniards’ scapegoating technique to assuage their horrific assassination of Atahualpa in the eyes of Emperor Charles V who was apparently appalled that lowly soldiers would kill a royal ruler (Gheerbrant 1961: 399; Hemming 1970: 82). Based on archaeological evidence, Karen Bruhns (2011a: 14; 2011b: 20) dates the initial existence of the Huancavilca and Manteño cultures to ca. AD 800 within Ecuador’s Integration Period (AD 500-1500). Artifacts and ethnohistoric descriptions indicate that besides a loincloth or body-wrapped cloth, they usually went naked. Saville (1910:215-216) observed that most of his human figures were nude yet there was an enormous number of spindle whorls found so he suggested that their “textile art was considerably advanced”. This clothing practice was in sharp contrast to Peruvian costume even though there had to have been knowledge of each other’s dress (Bruhns 2011b: 22). Bruhns describes evidence of tattooing and that “…Along the coast, piercing of the ears, face and even nipples was practiced…” (IBID: 23). A mapping of the distribution of tattooing appears to be tied more directly to the Manteños than Huancavilcans, though the two cultures were closely tied by various traditions (Stothert 2001: 284-287, Figure 6.4.4). For the most part the Huancavilcas were ethnic cousins of the Manteños (Karen Bruhns, personal communication 2/2020). Though dated, the work of Emilio Estrada complies with the accepted opinion that the two cultures were closely akin. An example is an elegant jar with a modeled head from Salinas that Estrada assigned to the Manteño style though he suggests that it represents a Huancavilca chief (Estrada 1957: 32, 40, Figuras 14, 18). He mentions the nose ring as common on the coast. Significantly for this discussion, he describes the outer ear or pinna with multiple piercings; one for a button at the lobe and others along the helix as wire-like perforations. This ear modification differs from other Manteño modeled images of males with earspools and may be the reason Estrada recognized the image as not of a Manteño chief. An example of his distinction is a similarly shaped jar with a modeled face from Salango showing earspools that he recognized as “común el la zona norte manteña” (IBID: 76, center). Estrada 1957 Other examples of this vessel type are illustrated by Saville (1910: Plate CXII, from Cape Santa Elena; Saville 1907: Plate LIII 6, 8) and G.H.S. Bushnell (1951: 104-106, Figs. 42e-i, from La Libertad) who stated that the faces were made from molds and more often found as jar fragments. Assuming contemporaneity, it is remarkable that Saville’s (1907: Plates L-LIV; 1910: Plates CV-CX) illustrations of human images show more details of facial modification and expression by artisans on these face-neck vessels than on the other ceramic images (e.g., whistles, figurines, etc.) where those artisans documented diversity by emphasizing clothing and headdress. Saville 1910: Plate CXII Cape Santa Elena Bushnell 1951: Fig.42e-i La Libertad The distinctive multiple-pierced ear modification is reflected somewhat in the punctated, curved ears on simple modeled, human heads with coffee bean eyes excavated at Pirincay approximately 250 km east in the highlands but associated with C-14 dates too early to afford an applicable reference for the Middle Horizon event of concern here (Hammond and Bruhns 1987: 53, Figure 3). This situation is also documented in the Esteros culture (Blasco and Ramos 1976: Lám. XIIa) that apparently dates before the Bahia culture dating to the first 600 – 800 AD (Bruhns 2011:30) of the Regional Development Period. Also, among the La Libertad collection of molded faces is an example of multiple ear piercings though poorly representative and with unknown cultural association (Bushnell 1951: Fig.42f). Thus, multiple ear piercing has some documentation of a tradition to the north of Peru though no apparent concentration of evidence to any particular MH culture. The Estrada face neck jar is the only MH evidence that suggests a Huancavilca connection. Other than the Manteño culture, there were numerous small tribal groups that comprised the Milagro-Quevedo culture to the north and Cañares in the hills to the east. With the former, their images are either similar with single ear piercing and a nose ring or, with the latter, “virtually no archaeological evidence concerning the prehistoric dress (Bruhns 2011:45). Lynn Hirschkind (2013: 45-46) correctly composes the ethnohistoric relationship that the Inca had with the Cañares as an extensive warfare (1463-1490 AD) with a sequence of advances, battles and conquest covering two Inca reigns. In fact, the Cañares continued a guerilla warfare strategy in the more distant selva regions. Her study provides insight into what the Wari may have faced in their attempt to intrude into these northern regions and thereby avoided warfare and settled for reciprocal trade relations. To summarize, the Huancavilca ethnicity is characterized by nose rings and multiple ear piercings though the Guaman Poma depictions may indicate that multiple ear piercings of the helix were not common by conquest times. Tattooing is an expectable trait. They wore very little clothing if at all until conquest times. In the above descriptions, there is no evidence of labrets. However, Alana Cordy-Collins (2001) documents that labrets occur on female figurines playing drums in the Moche and Lambayeque cultures that represent foreigners who came from the Tallan culture in the Piura-Chira region where numerous labrets have been found. She supports this possible northern origin with reference to labret wearing by both men and women in the earlier, Ecuadorian La Tolita (600 BC - AD 400) and Jama-Coaque (350 BC - AD 400) cultures. In an exhaustive study of Peruvian figurines, Alexandra Morgan (2009: 113-114, Plate 32-33) published some of the same female figurines with labrets and agrees with a northern origin due to the labret and the hour-glass drum as uncommon in Moche art. She used Cordy-Collins’ systematic approach to iconographic analysis as useful in figurine study though she also adds that the data analysis invalidates two of Cordy-Collins (2001: 255) statements that most Moche women are shown with their hair in braids or rarely featured in Moche art before the eighth century (Morgan 2009: 20, 114). Could MH interaction have occurred between Huancavilca and Wari agents? In a brief though detailed history of archaeological endeavors in Ecuador, Bruhns (2008) emphasizes the need for financial and educational support to advance Ecuadorian archaeological research especially with regard to cultural relationships with pre-Inca Peruvians such as the MH Wari. She also points out that any evidence has been “perceived as Peru influencing Ecuador”. Looting in the late 1900’s produced a multi-lobed bottle found in a tomb at Chordeleg (more likely Viñaque sub-style of ‘geometric on light’ as in Menzel (1964: ftnt. 230)) and a now lost, gold plaque with inlays “showing a Huari style running angel” (Bruhns 2008: Figures 2 and 3; Saville 1924: Plate VIII, bottom right). Its structural layout leaves little doubt of the Wari origin such that it is a human form in profile with one arm grasping a staff, head turned upward with eye, nose, and mouth with a tongue ray ending in a serpent head, crown on head, a curved wing- like form at the back with ray appendages of bodiless heads and tripartite tuft, a body with a patterned belt and two legs and feet. This written description could apply to both this plaque and a Wari profile deity quite accurately, but image comparisons are starkly different in details. Perhaps the image was the result of linguistic transfer. Bruhns also mentions the famous, one-of- a-kind golden diadem of the Museo del Banco Central with Wari-like rayed head that was found about 120 km east of the Isle of Puná on the Hacienda Chunucari near the town of Sigsig (Bruhns 1998:184, Figura 2a).