The Contemporary Women's Movement in Greece By Eleni Stamiris lthough feminism, like de- domestic activities have been devalued, THE NEW WAVE OF GREEK mocracy or socialism, ap- and frequently women have become more FEMINISM peals to a universalistic soli- marginalized within the wage economy. darity -born, in this case, of Greece is an inmguing case because the By the end of the Civil War in 1949 all A progressive movements in Greece had resistance to common experiences of national social formation displays many patriarchal andcapitalist inequality -the of the features and contradictions of both been crushed. The women's mass organi- character of particular women's move- advanced and less developed countries. zations that had developed at the end of ments is still shaped by profoundly na- The classical 'semi-peripheral' economy, the German occupation, addressing for tional contexts of history and socio-eco- Greece combines a significant 'off-shore' the first time the needs and problems of all nomic progress. The uneven trajectories commercial and shipping complex with a women, were dissolved.' Their records of contemporary capitalist development, patriarchal agricultural economy and a were confiscated and destroyed, and of under-development, have imparted to weak manufacturing base. Although many of their members took the road to the national contingents of the interna- women's role in the Greek economy has exile or were locked up for years in con- tional women's movement similar yet been greatly transformed over the last centration camps. (The camp at Trikeri different demands, priorities, structures thirty years, women have not, as in North- alone held five thousand women). The and orientations. In most cases the form of ern Europe, increased their presence few organizations that did survive, such the emergence of modem feminism has within the wage sector. At the same time as the Panhellenic Union of Housewives, been directly influenced by changes in the post-war Greek history has been domi- the YWCA or the League of Business and role of women in the national productive nated by civil war, counter-revolution and Professional Women, developed by incli- system. Thus, to invoke aprincipalNorth- the struggle against military dictatorship. nation or force of circumstance in afunda- South differential, the nature of the Thus the contemporary women's move- mentally conservative direction. It was women's movements in the advanced ment has been particularly influenced by not until the 1960s. in the period before industrial countries has been influenced the antecedent or simultaneous roles of the Colonels' coup, that a militant by the increasing integration of women women within democratic and class women's movement re-emerged as a into the wage economy and by the partial struggles. Most recently the efforts of the wing of the popular struggle for radical socialization of reproduction to meet the PASOK government to implement gen- social change. Of the new groups formed demand for female labour-power. The der equality from the 'top down' have in this period, the most important was the immense productive capacity of the capi- raised important questions about the rela- reconstituted Panhellenic Union of Greek talist Centre to transform basic needs and tionshipbetween the 'autonomous' mobi- Women. After its foundation in 1964, the to extend the sphere of commodity rela- lization of women and the parties of the PEG displayed a remarkable dynamism tions creates, in turn, the conditions for an Left. In the survey which follows, begin- but was suppressed by the dictatorship in expanded female working class to raise ning with a brief evocation of the origins 1967.2 Again all progressive organiza- new demands for equality. In contrast, the of contemporary feminism in Greece, I tions were liquidated,and many feminists economic position of women in many have tried to elicit the peculiarities of were sent to prison or interned. Large developing countries has greatly deterio- historical and social development insofar numbers were subsequently arrested, tor- rated over the recent period. The educa- as they have influenced a distinctive tured and condemned to lengthy irnpris- tion gap between the sexes has widened, women's movement. onment for activities against the dictator- VOLUME 8, NUMBER 2 83 ship. As in the past, women were asked to manded equal access to employment and formed immediately after the collapse of put aside their own special demands in affirmativeaction until this was achieved. the junta in 1974, was the Democratic order to support a fresh struggle for free- A correlative and equally important Women's Movement (KDG),which ral- dom and democracy. demand concerned the abolition of occu- lied around it many of the progressive Thus while Western feminism was pational sex segregation: equal wages for women of the Left. In 1976, with the undergoing a great renaissance in the late work of equal value, full access to all establishment of the party of the 1960s and early 1970s, with vigorous occupations, equal opportunities for pro- Panhellenic Socialist Movement PA- debates over ideologies and goals, the motion, and extensive social protection, SOK) and the consolidation of the com- discussion of feminist theory in Greece including for 'unpaid family helpers', munist split between the KKE and KKE- was almost entirely stifled by a dictator- piece-workers in cottage industry, and the Interior, two other major organizations ship resting on the cult of the family. informalsector of theeconomy. Pensions, developed: the Union of Greek Women When the colonels finally fell in 1974, the medical care and maternity allowances and the Federation of Greek Women, women's movement which re-emerged were particularly vital for m1women, ideologically oriented to PASOK and the was integrally connected with the wider the most exploited sector of the Greek KKE respectively. These organizations context of progressive politics. Indeed, labour force. drew some of their membership from the the first women's groups wereinitiated by At the same time, women's groups KDG, which subsequently aligned itself political women belonging to parties of presented a compelling analysis of the with the KKE-Interior.In 1976Women in theLeft, who simultaneously held in view state's failure to socialize the costs of Resistance was also formed, with the aim strong political, social and feminist goals. reproduction. Pointing to the necessity of of bringing to light the struggles of "There can be no women's liberation sharing domestic work between men and women resistance fighters in the fascist without social liberation, no social libera- women, and to the state's obligation to period from 1941 to 1944,and of offering tion without women's liberation" - be- undertake the social function of caring for solidarity to the women of the world liv- came the slogan of an increasing number the workforce, they demanded the provi- ing under colonial or fascist regimes. of feminists. sion of such services as day care, paid Party affiliation thus often provided the The primacy of safeguarding demo- parental leave, extended school hours for broader male legitimation needed for the cracy underpinned all feminist concerns working parents, inexpensive public women to mobilize throughout the coun- in this early period of transition back to a cafeterias, public washing and ironing try, since male party members or sympa- parliamentary system. Greek feminists facilities, and so on. They further ad- thizers found it difficult to oppose the not only demanded equal rights with men dressed the underlying problem of recruitment of their wives and daughters (which meant sharing equally the eco- children's socialization into traditional into what they considered as the party's nomic crisis) and greater participation in gender roles, proposing the democratiza- women's group. Given the still marginal development (which was under- tionof the school system and therewriting position of most Greek women in produc- development for the many), but also pro- of sexist text-books. They also demanded tion and the difficulties of organizing tested against the capitalist structures and free and legal abortion on demand, the them, the support of popular political alienating productive processes into establishment of family planning centres, movements was an effective means of which they were by no means eager to be and an effective government department spreading feminist ideas. integrated. Their challenge was to the to promote policies for women. Only after Of course, dual allegiance to a party and very class structure of a society that ex- eight years of struggle was the old Family a women's organization did not come ploited and oppressed them. Law finally reformed and a series of other without problems for most female activ- One of the first major collaborative major legal and administrative changes ists, particularly since the different in- efforts of the new women's groups was introduced to upgrade women's position. stances competed for time and energy. the campaign against the epitome of patri- During this time, however, the women's Moreover, feminists within the parties of archy, the Greek Family Law, itself based movement helped to reshape the agenda the Left inevitably came into conflict with on Byzantine tradition. A Co-ordinating of Greek politics. As we shall see, the persistent male biases and androcentric Committee of Representatives of principal fruit of this agitation was the thinking. From the very beginning, some Women's Organizations (SEGES), platform of women's 'emancipation' that party members had resented the auton- formed in 1976, helped to organize the new Socialist government brought omy and exclusiveness of the women's extensive mobilization against the Law, with it in 1981. groups, which seemed a terra incognita and an expert committee appointed by the beyond the reach of the party. Others government incorporated some of the - would not accept in their theoretical women's demands in the so-called Ghazis BUILDING A GRASSROOTS framework any rationale for the separate reform bill.