POMEPS STUDIES 2 The New Salafi Politics October 16, 2012 Contents A New Salafi Politics . 6 The Salafi Moment . 8 The New Islamists . 10 Democracy, Salafi Style . 14 Who are Tunisia’s Salafis? . 16 Planting the seeds of Tunisia’s Ansar al Sharia . 20 Tunisia’s student Salafis . 22 Jihadists and Post-Jihadists in the Sinai . 25 The battle for al-Azhar . 28 Egypt’s ‘blessed’ Salafi votes . 30 Know your Ansar al-Sharia . 32 Osama bin Laden and the Saudi Muslim Brotherhood . 34 Lebanon’s Salafi Scare . 36 Islamism and the Syrian uprising . 38 The dangerous U .S . double standard on Islamist extremism . 48 The failure of #MuslimRage . 50 The Project on Middle East Political Science The Project on Middle East Political Science (POMEPS) is a collaborative network that aims to increase the impact of political scientists specializing in the study of the Middle East in the public sphere and in the academic community . POMEPS, directed by Marc Lynch, is based at the Institute for Middle East Studies at the George Washington University and is supported by the Carnegie Corporation and the Henry Luce Foundation . For more information, see http://www .pomeps .org . Online Article Index A new Salafi politics http://mideast .foreignpolicy .com/posts/2012/10/12/a_new_salafi_politics The Salafi Moment http://www .foreignpolicy .com/articles/2012/09/12/the_salafi_moment The New Islamists http://www .foreignpolicy .com/articles/2012/04/16/the_new_islamists Democracy, Salafi Style http://www .foreignpolicy .com/articles/2012/07/19/democracy_salafi_style Who are Tunisia’s Salafis? http://mideast .foreignpolicy .com/posts/2012/09/28/who_are_tunisia_s_salafis Planting the seeds of Tunisia’s Ansar al Sharia http://mideast .foreignpolicy .com/posts/2012/09/27/planting_the_seeds_of_tunisias_ansar_al_sharia Tunisia’s student Salafis http://mideast .foreignpolicy .com/posts/2012/01/06/tunisias_student_salafis Jihadists and Post-Jihadists in the Sinai http://mideast .foreignpolicy .com/posts/2012/09/05/jihadists_and_post_jihadists_in_the_sinai The battle for al-Azhar http://mideast .foreignpolicy .com/posts/2012/08/02/the_battle_for_the_azhar Egypt’s ‘blessed’ Salafi votes http://mideast .foreignpolicy .com/posts/2012/05/02/egypts_blessed_salafi_votes Know your Ansar al-Sharia http://www .foreignpolicy .com/articles/2012/09/21/know_your_ansar_al_sharia Osama bin Laden and the Saudi Muslim Brotherhood http://mideast .foreignpolicy .com/posts/2012/10/03/osama_bin_laden_and_the_saudi_muslim_brotherhood Lebanon’s Salafi Scare http://mideast .foreignpolicy .com/posts/2012/07/17/lebanons_salafi_scare Islamism and the Syrian uprising http://mideast .foreignpolicy .com/posts/2012/03/08/islamism_and_the_syrian_uprising The dangerous U.S. double standard on Islamist extremism http://mideast .foreignpolicy .com/posts/2012/09/17/the_united_states_dangerous_double_standard_on_islamic_extremism The failure of #Muslim Rage http://lynch .foreignpolicy .com/posts/2012/09/21/a_funny_thing_happened_on_the_way_to_muslimrage 2 The New Salafi Politics ew developments associated with the Arab uprisings have generated as much concern as the rapid emergence of Salafi movements into the public arena . The performance of al-Nour Party in Egypt’s parliamentaryF elections stunned many observers . Waves of attacks on Sufi shrines in Tunisia and Libya, denunciations of secular citizens, and loud calls for the imposition of sharia have raised fears at home and abroad . The violent protests over the anti-Islam YouTube film, the deadly attack on the U .S . consulate in Benghazi, and the emergence of Salafi-jihadist trends within the Syrian opposition have made these political concerns ever more urgent . Who are these new Salafi movements? How should we interpret their rise? This new POMEPS Brief collects more than a dozen recent ForeignPolicy .com essays on Salafis across the Arab world, including a detailed look at Salafi politics in Egypt, Tunisia, Libya, Lebanon, Bahrain, Syria, and Saudi Arabia . The picture that emerges is troubling — but also unexpectedly reassuring . These well-funded and well-entrenched subcultures will likely continue to thrive in the open, contentious new Arab political realm . But how they will behave, the response they will generate from other political trends and societal sectors, and how they will approach political institutions remains very much in question . The “troubling part” of their ascent doesn’t require a great deal of elaboration . While many Salafis are simply religious individuals comfortable when surrounded by the like-minded, the more assertive of them have advanced a hard-edged, intolerant agenda that has driven a sharp polarization around religion in several Arab countries . Their attacks on movie theaters, Sufi shrines, and Western culture have frightened and angered secular trends in these countries, particularly religious minorities and women who fear for their place in the emerging societies . Attacks on U .S . embassies by Salafi-jihadist groups have frightened and angered the United States, and prompted concerns about a resurgence of al Qaeda . But there are also reasons for some optimism . As several of the essays in this collection point out, Salafism is not a unified trend . Its adherents belong to a wide range of movements with very different orientations toward politics, many of which push toward political quiescence and an inward-looking focus on the cohesion of their own communities . Because Salafi subcultures generally lack the kind of disciplined organization that characterizes the Muslim Brotherhood, they struggle to act in any sort of organized fashion . Blaming the Arab uprisings for Salafism is misguided . It is not as if these trends did not exist before their eruption into the public realm . Salafi movements were increasingly prominent in Egypt in the years prior to the revolution, with television stations and prominent public faces . Salafi subcultures across the region were fueled by funding streams from the conservative Gulf states . In some countries, such as Egypt, they were also often tacitly (or openly) supported by intelligence services keen to promote competitors to the Muslim Brotherhood and — to the conspiracy minded — to drum up communal tensions with attacks on churches or outrageous statements when this served the interests of the ruling regimes . The financial flows from the Gulf show few signs of abating, but it is intriguing to consider the possible impact of a decrease of this latter sort of support from the “deep state ”. It is easy to understand the alarm over high profile public arguments over outrageously reactionary comments by Salafi figures . Public clashes over issues advanced by the Salafis are also not necessarily a bad sign . It seems better to have these brought out into the public realm than hidden in shadows . It is reassuring 3 to see their public advances increasingly beaten back by competing movements, an outraged and controversy-minded press, and calculating politicians . The backlash against the outrageous statements by popular Salafi television preachers reveals as much as their initial comments — and indeed tells us far more than the bland reassurances of the designated spokesmen for the movements . These public battles reveal the limits of their influence and the real radicalism of some of their ideas relative even to their own societies . They may also sometimes reveal real pools of popular support for their ideas in conservative societies such as Egypt’s, which is important to recognize rather than turn away from . Open politics challenges the Salafis as much as empowers them . Since its electoral coming out party, Egypt’s al-Nour Party has fragmented and faced serious internal tensions . Its decision to approve of an IMF loan on grounds of extreme contingency seems sure to anger the faithful, and suggests that for better or for worse ultimately even these most ideological of Islamists will prove pragmatic in their pursuit of self-interest . They will likely face increasing challenges as their members grow disenchanted with the benefits of the democratic process and perhaps return to demands for greater doctrinal purity . In short, as much as the leaders of these movements may have enjoyed their public profile it also poses severe challenges . Finally, the Salafi challenge has been forcing Muslim Brotherhood-style groups in countries such as Egypt and Tunisia into open confrontation . Egyptian and Tunisian Salafis have been biting at the heels of the ruling Islamists . In Egypt some Salafis are gearing up to mobilize against a constitutional draft pushed by the Muslim Brotherhood, while Tunisian Salafis are none to happy about Ennahda’s decision to drop its heavily promoted “anti-blasphemy” constitutional clause . From their positions of power such Islamists no longer have the luxury of empty posturing or of ignoring real challenges to stability or national interests . While Salafis and Brothers have been tussling over supporters for many years, the stakes have never been higher nor the electoral sorting mechanism more direct . The Muslim Brotherhood can no longer take its Islamic flank for granted, forcing it to shed its carefully calculated ambiguity maintained over decades . A recent video of Tunisian Ennahda leader Rached Ghannouchi meeting with Salafis has been widely taken as a scandal, revealing secret collaboration between the two trends, but his comments actually look more like a warning to impatient Salafis — to back off, avoid confrontational moves, and be more