66-69_Hodges_Romney:Burton TEMPLATE 4/28/2011 12:00 PM Page 66 SUNSTONE BOOK REVIEW OVERVIEW EN “Mormons, ex-Mormons, or about-to-be-Mormons” have cam - A C AMPAIGN MOST MORMON T paigned to become president of the United States in the past, but none has come closer to succeeding than Romney. 4 A D IFFERENT GOD ? M ITT ROMNEY , Foster, a self-proclaimed “conservative Republican Mormon who actively sup - THE RELIGIOUS RIGHT , ported Mitt Romney” and “political AND THE MORMON QUESTION junkie,” lists several reasons for Romney’s comparative success. For instance, Romney was running for the Republican By Craig L. Foster nomination instead of as a third-party 2008 candidate. He began campaigning earlier, 244 Pages, $24.95 ran longer, and spent more money than did any previous Mormon. He also won Kofford Books several state primaries. Finally, the “in - creasing public presence, power, and influ - ence of the Latter-day Saints” gave much Reviewed by Blair Dee Hodges credibility to his campaign (xi–xii). However, Foster argues that this strength—the Mormonism which inspired Romney’s patriotism and strong work What about Romney’s Mormon religion ethic—ultimately became a crucial weak - ness for his campaign. made Americans wary of him? Or did The “Mormon Question,” Foster writes, is one of the “major reasons” wariness of Romney contribute to their Romney’s first quest for the presidency failed (xiii). As Foster formulates it, the reluctance to vote for a Mormon? question is: “Because Mormons believe in what most Americans see as alien, even non-Christian, doctrines and strange practices, can a Mormon be trusted to HE OLD STORY about America’s Craig L. Foster’s A Different God? Mitt preserve, protect, and promote the Pilgrim forefathers setting sail to Romney, the Religious Right, and the Mormon common good of the United States as T find religious freedom in a new Question explores the interplay of faith and president?” (xiii). world simply doesn’t bear the weight of his - politics in the United States through Before analyzing Romney’s campaign, torical scrutiny. Freedom they sought, but Romney’s failed presidential run. 2 Foster uses the first three chapters to pro - not necessarily for all, and “they” weren’t the Foster completed the book quickly vide some historical context. Chapter one only ones around, of course. Life is seldom enough to make it available before the 2008 briefly explores the “rise of the religious so simple. Although religion has often general election. It was published shortly right,” an “awkward coalition of different played a leading role in shaping the political after Romney ended his campaign in groups” of Christians instead of “a unified and social values of Americans, the relation - December 2007. Romney has not yet an - monolith” (1). ship between faith and politics has been nounced an intention to run for president Chapter two describes “the power of the rocky overall. A recent manifestation of this in 2012. If he does run (as expected), I religious right” and the divisions within, uneasy relationship is Mitt Romney’s failed hope Foster will produce a second edition and political differences between, evangeli - 2008 presidential bid. Throughout 2007, as of his book. It could be an important con - cals and fundamentalists. By outlining per - Romney campaigned to become president of tribution to national discussion about reli - ceived similarities in “social characteristics, the United States, various polls showed that gion and politics. And a second edition lifestyle, and attitudes,” Foster demon - anywhere between 30 and 43 percent of would give Foster the chance to jettison a strates a “closer kinship” between Americans “would not vote for a few now-irrelevant points. 3 After a brief Mormons, evangelicals, and fundamental - Mormon”(121). What about Romney’s overview, I will examine two larger sub - ists (28). Significant doctrinal differences Mormon religion made Americans wary of jects that require further elucidation: have nevertheless done much to prevent an him? Or did wariness of Romney contribute Foster’s analysis of “the media,” and his de - alliance between Latter-day Saints and the to their reluctance to vote for a Mormon? finition of “the Mormon question.” religious right. Foster quickly traces the Republicanization of Utahns, which began BLAIR DEE HODGES is earned a BA in mass communications with a minor in reli - in the early 1900s. The chapter closes by gious studies from the University of Utah. He lives in Centerville, Utah, with his wife noting the frequent disappointment the re - Kristen and their dog Chicken Delicious. He currently blogs at LifeOnGoldPlates.com. ligious right has sustained from Republican candidates’ failed political promises. PAGE 66 JUNE 2010 66-69_Hodges_Romney:Burton TEMPLATE 4/28/2011 12:00 PM Page 67 SUNSTONE In contrast to the over-simplified Legacy his account is the oversimplification of the offended. 5 depiction of early Mormon difficulties, in what he uncritically refers to as “the Recognizing that journalism includes which ravening mobs drive Mormons from media.” 4 For example: “The media not bias is not meant to excuse journalists from state to state without much explanation, only ignores blatant examples of anti-evan - aiming for fairness, responsibility, and eth - Foster’s third chapter, a political history of gelical bias but sometimes seems to en - ical reporting. Nor should it discourage the Latter-day Saints, provides a more com - courage it” (34). Further, he asserts that the people from paying attention to the news. plex account of the political and social con - “almost-automatic liberal reflexes of the It’s an invitation to engage sources more flicts that caused the tensions. Although media” are a “given” (123). The very place - fully, analyze arguments more rigorously, early Mormons did not completely agree on ment of the “Media Bias” section within the consult multiple sources, and remain all political matters, they were prone to - “Left Hook” chapter is symptomatic of the humble in one’s conclusions. It seems more ward problematic bloc voting habits in the common conservative assumption that the fruitful to speak pointedly and specifically name of unity. “mainstream media” is out to get them about particular writers, anchors, inter - Chapter four, a biographical chapter, de - (123–137). viewers, and even individual reports, in scribes Mitt Romney’s childhood and mis - There are several problems with this contrast to indicting an entire thing called sionary service, as well as his Olympic and usage of the term “the media.” First is “the media.” Foster includes many key political involvement. Foster then moves to that Foster seems to view “the media” as a news and editorial sources, but his overall the main event, cleverly framing the polit - monolithic entity. The inaccuracy of this treatment would profit from a more rig - ical conflicts as a boxing match. The view increases as media outlets multiply orous frame of analysis. chapter titled “Left Hook” describes the and diversify. Undoubtedly, some re - punches Democrats delivered. The “Right porters, editors, networks, and news or - THE MORMON QUESTION Cross” addresses attacks from conserva - ganizations are more prone to appeal to tives and the religious right. The “Low certain political perspectives. Far from S Romney’s faith received frequent Blow” chapter covers more pointedly anti- simply reporting happenings, journalists treatment among journalists, LDS Mormon accusations, some of those being are always at least indirectly involved in A Public Affairs took on a growing downright bizarre. The combined on - them. But consider this sentence: “The role in helping to respond to questions slaught finally led Romney to deliver his media is prejudiced against Mitt Romney.” about belief and practice. Foster mentions “Faith in America” speech on 6 December Taken literally, this sentence asserts that some of the issues that frequently arose, in - 2007. CNN , MSNBC , FOX News , the Huffington cluding polygamy, racism, and personal According to Foster, Romney’s strategy Post , KUTV 2News , Newsweek , Mormon- revelation. But this collection of concerns of discussing his religion shifted over time. Times.com , The Washington Post , E! , the leaves me wondering what Foster thinks Romney initially contended that “most Drudge Report , Google News (an aggre - the most important “Mormon question” Americans couldn’t care less what religion I gator!)—and countless other outlets—are is—or whether it is a single question or a am” (121) and refused even to discuss it. prejudiced against Romney. This claim is collection of several related concerns. 6 As he realized his assumption was wrong, clearly false. (Note I’m confining my use of Does the Mormon question revolve around he became much more guarded. He finally “media” to news organizations, although the doctrinal differences between Mormons attempted to “translate [his Mormonism] “media” includes much more.) and evangelical Christianity? Fundament- into terms acceptable to evangelicals.” Trying to confine a bias problem to the alists such as televangelist Bill Keller worry Overall, Foster believes Romney’s loss rests so-called “mainstream media” does not re - about electing a member of a “cult” to the largely on his own shoulders. He “did not solve the problem, either. As Foster shows, presidency (155) while secularists such as present himself well and thus came across conservatives were just as eager as liberals historian Timothy Garton Ash simply ask as smug, artificial, and calculating.” He were to poke fun at Romney’s Mormon un - how an educated man such as Romney tried to pose as a “Reagan conservative” de - derwear, and they did so in many publica - could possibly believe “such a wacky col - spite being a “moderate with a dash of tions (125–126). But some journalists and lection of man-made Moronical Reagan conservatism.” But Foster admits editorialists came to Romney’s defense, al - codswallop” as is found in Mormonism that Romney was not totally to blame for though sometimes in ways that disclosed (132).