A Brief History of the War of Spain as writen by the International War Correspondents that covered it. (A Compilation made by Prof. Saturnino Aguado, University of Alcalá - Spain) American journalists Ernest Hemingway, Martha Gellhorn, Virginia Cowles, Edgar Mowrer, George L. Steer, Herbert Matthews, H.R. Knickerbocker, Jay Allen, John T. Whitaker, John Dos Passos, Vincent Sheean, Jim Lardner, George Seldes, Lawrence Fernsworth, Edmond Taylor as well as other foreign correspondents, like Harold G. Cardozo, Vernon Bartlett and Cedric Salter (british), Felix Correia (portuguese), Javier E. Yndart (argentinian), Noel Monks (australian), Geoffrey Cox (new zealander), Pierre van Paassen (dutch), O. D. Gallagher (south african)… covered the Spanish War for their newspapers. Particularly interesting were the reports written by Knickerbocker, Allen, Cowles, Whitaker, Taylor, Monks and Cardozo, as they were allowed to be in Franco`s Spain and follow Franco`s troops in their advance towards Madrid in the summer-autumn of 1936 and in other campaigns. This is what some of them wrote: “The tidal wave of Fascism was rushing onward. It was in March 1936, that Hitler took his first important step toward shattering the whole existing structure of Europe, by moving into the Rhineland... In Spain, Fascism took the form and name of Falangism. Defeated in the February elections, the reactionaries were triumphantly returning by extra-legal, undemocratic methods. When they had created a complete state of chaos, the Army, backed by Italy and Germany, stepped in –and the result was a civil war... The Italian conquest of Abyssinia, completed on May 5 of that same year, 1936, encouraged Fascists and reactionaries everywhere, and nowhere more than in Spain. Britain and France had been humiliated for the first time; there were to be many other times. Mussolini was, of course, even more encouraged, and his decision to give active help to Franco and the other generals who were linked to the Fascist and Carlist movements was doubtless made then. The Duce was interested in the Mediterranean – Mare Nostrum- while Hitler was looking forward to the day of his great conquest of Europe. Moreover, there were material riches, in Spain and Morocco, which Germany coveted. Fortunately for Spain and for world democracy, the people rose, blindly, desperately, spontaneously, as they had not done in Spain since Napoleon`s hated forces invaded their country. It upset all the Rebel`s calculations, and those of Mussolini and Hitler. And so the Spanish Civil War began. The mechanism was set in motion on July 17, 1936, in Spanish Morocco when a number of regiments rose to Franco`s call to arms. The revolt spread to the Peninsula the next day. After days and weeks of confusion, a pattern began to shape up, with a majority of the people supporting the Government. But Franco and his Moors, better armed, disciplined, were already getting invaluable support from Germany and Italy. They moved northward toward Madrid, while three other columns moved down from Navarra and Leon. 1 As an insurrection, the movement had really failed in the first week of the conflict, but as an international conflict it was only beginning. Only a few persons behind the scenes in Rome and in Berlin, and in the high ranks of the Rebels, knew that not only a civil war but a European conflict was beginning. There, in Spain, a door was opened wide to Italian Fascism and German Nazism. All Europe, and, also, we in the United States, were to suffer the consequences. (From Herbert L. Matthews: The Education of a Correspondent, New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1946. Matthews covered the Spanish War for The New York Times) 2 Portela Tells How Franco Tried to Seize Power “From Prime Minister Señor Portela Valladares I obtained the inside story of how Gil Robles and the Army tried to seize power right after the February elections just held. After I wrote the facts at the time I asked him to sign my report, and his signature on my notes lies before me as this is written. It is of particular interest that this statement implicates Gil Robles, since attempts have been made to picture him as standing apart from the plot that now was nearing a head. What really happened, as Señor Portela told it to me, was as follows: “At four o`clock in the morning of the day that followed the elections, that is on Monday, there came to my house a certain Josep Pla who was the Madrid correspondent of La Veu de Catalunya at Barcelona. Pla told me I was wanted at the Ministerio de Gobernación which, as you know, was charged with the maintenance of order. On my arrival I found Gil Robles waiting for me. He said: “The Popular Front has won the elections. We cannot let it take office. I have come to ask you to assume the dictatorship. You will have our support. All I ask is that you associate me with you. Make me a minister, or your secretary or a stenographer, or whatever you like. But it is necessary that I be close to you.” I told him that this could not be, but that the will of the people must prevail. At six o`clock the same evening, February 18, I was visited by General Franco in my office. He said, “You must accept the dictatorship.” Once more I refused.” The rightists, frustrated by Portela`s refusal to betray the Republic, embarked on a policy of making life impossible for it...The fact of the military conspiracy was an open secret...The conspirators needed only an incident –an overt act to serve as an excuse for the uprising. This was provided on July 12 by the assassination of Calvo Sotelo.” Azaña`s Last Interview “The Republican government continued its life as the Spanish Constitutional Government in Exile. President Azaña and members of his family had taken up residence in a commodious chalet not far from Geneva, Challonges. Thither I journeyed from Switzerland to see him at his invitation. He died within a matter of months afterward. It was the last interview he ever gave and it has never been published, for at the time he enjoined me to secrecy because, as an exile, he did not wish to make political statements... I wanted to learn what actually happened on the night of July 17, 1936, which was the night the military rebellion was coming to a head. “The war came. The forces against us were powerful and I knew they would win in the end. Before the war I had known that Fascist intrigue was rampant in Spain. But it was not supposed that it was so widespread as actually it was. When the Fascist powers – Italy and Germany- began sending their airplanes and ground forces in ever increasing numbers, the outlook indeed began to look dark. When the democracies turned cold 3 shoulders on us, the black situation seemed almost hopeless. Still we fought on and hoped, for as we Spaniards have a way of saying, one never knows what changes may come with the morrow.” Azaña the realist turned his eye to the future which he saw with a prophetic clairvoyance. “The military, with the church, will be uppermost and have a good chance of holding on for a number of years because the people are more accustomed to that kind of combination. The generals and the bishops are again in the saddle – Spain has gone back one hundred years.” (From Lawrence Fernsworth: Spain`s Struggle for Freedom, Boston: Beacon Press, 1957. Fernsworth lived and worked in Spain for ten years as a regular correspondent of The Times of London and a special representative of The New York Times.) 4 “ Germany had reoccupied the Rhineland and completed three years of rearmament by the summer of 1936; and Italy, emerging successfully from the Ethiopian war, had bolstered Fascism at home and increased the country`s prestige abroad. The two dictators –increasingly confident as they felt out the weaknesses of the British and French- saw an irresistible opportunity in the internal situation of Spain... In Spain, the reactionary elements persuaded the professional army officers to create a military dictatorship. Count Romanones, who had been Alfonso XIII`s most wily counselor, spoke frankly to Claude G. Bowers, the American Ambassador. “The rebellion? We planned it the day we lost the election in February 1936”, he said. Having laid their plans, the reactionaries decided, in the first place, to get in touch with the German and Italian governments and, in the second place, to create incidents and spread terrorism which was answered in kind, not by the Popular Front government, but by the more radical elements outside of the government. The right murdered a popular leftist leader and the left retorted in swift reprisal. They strack down Calvo Sotelo, the ablest politician among the rightist plotters. This murder was used to set off the military coup d` état. There was a military rising in Morocco on July 16 and it became nationwide on July 18, 1936. In May of 1939 –three years later- Herman Goering and Galeazzo Ciano revealed that German and Italian specialists, many of them disguised as tourists, went to Spain to aid this revolt from its outset. The Nazis and the fascists had prepared to assist the rebels long before the proclamation of revolt was raised in Morocco. Having denied their complicity through the whole of the “civil war”, the Germans and Italians boasted, once the war was won, that their intervention had been decisive. The official Italian Informazione Diplomatica proudly announced that “Italy replied to the first call of Franco on July 27, 1936: first casualties date from that time.” In his own newspaper, Popolo dÌtalia, Mussolini wrote: “We have intervened from the first to the last.” I estimated that at one time Italy had not less than 140.000 soldiers in Spain, while the Germans maintained a fixed establishment there of 10.000 technicians and 10.000 troops.