This document is downloaded from DR‑NTU (https://dr.ntu.edu.sg) Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. The changing media environment and its impact on media values in Asia : a Sri Lankan perspective Gunewardena, Victor. 1995 Gunewardena, V. (1995). The changing media environment and its impact on media values in Asia : a Sri Lankan perspective. https://hdl.handle.net/10356/86713 Downloaded on 30 Sep 2021 01:59:37 SGT ATTENTION: The Singapore Copyright Act applies to the use of this document. Nanyang Technological University Library The Changing Media Environment And Its Impact On Media Values In Asia : A Sri Lankan Perspective By Victor Gunewardena Paper No. 17 AMIC Seminar on "Asian Values in Journalism" Ming Court Hotel, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia ATTENTION: The Singapore Copyright ActAugus applies tot t24-25he use o,f th199is do5c ument. Nanyang Technological University Library "The Changing Media Environment and its impact on media values in Asia: A Sri Lankan perspective" VICTOR GUNEWARDENA Journalism Research and Training Consultant and currently Chairman, Committee for the Establishment of a National Media Institute Sri Lanka Introduction The media environment in Sri Lanka is experiencing change owing to pressure of various kinds and from a variety of forms of organisation, some internal, others external. While the internal factors are largely socio-political, the external factors are influenced by advances in modern technology, especially in respect of the electronic media. Also, in the wake of increasing economic liberalisation, private sector participation in radio and television broadcasting is a new phenomenon. Another dimensioATTENTIOnN : oTfh eth Sein gchanginapore Cogp ymediright Aac t environmenapplies to the uts ein o fSr this Lankdocumae nits. Nthaanty aint gha Tesc hcertainologinca lcommo Universitny Lfeatureibrary s with the changes taking place in the media environment in other parts of Asia, and in particular in the South Asian region. Significantly, changes in the media environment have to a large extent been the outcome of information diffusion and ideological interaction facilitated by the media itself. Ironically, the information explosion that has taken place in South Asia has occurred despite the generally low levels of literacy of its people. It is estimated that of the 1,100 million people in South Asia nearly 375 million adults are illiterate, that 125 million children of school-going age are not in primary or secondary school and that the large majority of those who have been to school have had only three to four years of elementary education. In respect of the literacy rate, Sri Lanka and the Maldives are exceptional in South Asia. In the former it is 87% and the school dropout rate is bdow 4%, while the pupil/teacher ratio for all schools is an average of 22, compared with, for instance 28.4 in 1972. However, there are regional disparities in respect of this data as well as in educational infrastructure provision. Newspapers Another relevant fact of the South Asian media environment is that while about 74 per cent of the population live in rural areas, the newspaper industry is metropolitan - based and has an urban bias. In Sri Lanka although the newspaper enterprise is about 165 years old and newspapers are published in the three languages, Sinhala, Tamil and English, there are very few local level newspapers. Besides, since 1973 the largest single publisher of dailies, weeklies and other journals is a State-run organisation, which until the introduction of the 1973 legislation was a private undertaking. However, the number of newspapers and publishers especially in Sinhala, has increased and the total circulation too of newspapers has shown a steady rise over the past decade despite increases in the price of newspapers. The average 1 price of a daily newspaper is the equivalent of the price of two pound loaves of bread and a cup of tea or three-quarter of the price of a plate of rice and curry in an eating-house. The circulation of copies per thousand persons per day of daily newspapers has risen from 16 in 1983 to 27 in 1993, while that of weekly newspapers has risen from 84 to 138 during the same period. Expressed differently, the circulation of newspapers per thousand persons per day has risen from 100 in 1983 to 165 in 1993. Published data are not available thereafter. "AlternativATTeE NPressTION: T"h e Singapore Copyright Act applies to the use of this document. Nanyang Technological University Library A feature of the newspaper enterprise during the past five years is the emergence of what has been called the "alternative Press" non -mainstream tabloid newspapers and journals in Sinhala whose main focus is domestic politics. It belongs to the genre of investigative journalism with its focus on the exposure ot corruption in various spheres of governance and of waste, inefficiency and political preferment. Besides relative illiteracy, poverty also impinges adversely on the information process in general, and in particular on the newspaper industry. In Sri Lanka, as in several other countries of the South Asian region, poverty affects between 30 to 40% of the population. Consequently, the newspaper although recognised as a medium of mass communication lacks a mass character in that its reach to a sizeable segment of the population is constrained by the twin factors of illiteracy and poverty. In Sri Lanka, however, illiteracy is a lesser constraint. Radio In contrast with newspapers and more so with television, radio in Sri Lanka is regarded as the medium of the poor, chiefly because of the low cost of a radio receiver, its minimal sophistication, portability and facility of maintenance. According to official figures radio broadcasting now covers at least 85% of the geographical area and its household penetration is reportedly 100%. In 1991, Sri Lanka with a population of 17 million had an estimated total of 1,600,000 licensed radio receivers and 1,500,000 unlicensed receivers, making a total of 3,100,000 or 185 receivers per thousand of population. The figures represent a considerable improvement over the situation say 20 years earlier. 2 when the number of receivers was only 479,638 and the number of rediffusion relay sets was 22,000. People who do not own a radio often listen to broadcasts in other peoples' homes, workplaces, community and recreation centres or in eating-houses and in the marketplace. Until a couple of years ago since its introduction in 1925. radio was a state monopoly (Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation). Now there are four private radio stations, which initially were licensed to broadcast only music but were later allowed to include news, too, in their programmes. An unsatisfactory ATTENTION: The Singapore Copyright Act applies to the use of this document. Nanyang Technological University Library feature of the licensing scheme is that the Minister, who is the licensing authority, can cancel the licence without cause. Of all stations' broadcasts, three are in Sinhala, two in Tamil and four in English. State radio has four regional stations which are community-oriented and are popular with rural audiences largely because their programmes are socially relevant and responsive to their needs, especially of disadvantaged groups. While there is only one non-commercial national channel each in Sinhala. Tamil and English, there are four national commercial channels in Sinhala, two in Tamil and five in English. Consequently, radio now has an increasing advertising share which also enables advertisers to reach those areas of the rural market which TV has not penetrated yet. The SLBC and private radio stations'are competing among themselves for commercials, besides competing with television stations for a share of advertising revenue. In such a situation research and radio programming need to cooperate closely to ascertain listener preferences because radio audiences are heterogenous besides also being TV viewers. Public service broadcasting in particular has to measure up to listener expectations of it as a provider of socially useful information, reliable news without being politically partisan and as a medium of non-formal education. The challenge is to respond to these expectations while remaining commercially viable. Programming and Advertising Codes Besides the regulatory framework of broadcasting based on the general law, all radio stations are required to abide by a Programming Code and an Advertising Code. The latter prohibits the advertising of liquor and tobacco, comparative advertising, use of superlatives and resort to absolute, special or misleading 3 claims. The Programming Code is broadly comparable with the General Standards for Broadcast Programming outlined in the Guidelines for Transnational Satellite Broadcasting in the Asia-Pacific Region as endorsed by the ABU in March 1995. Among the ABU guidelines to be followed are: Need for sensitivity to the diversity of religio-cultural and social values ATTENTION: The Singapore Copyright Act applies to the use of this document. Nanyang Technological University Library * Respect for religious beliefs and practices Avoidance of programming that could be derogatory or embarrassing to particular ethnic groups, or which could lead to exacerbation of ethnic tensions or conflict Need for good taste, restraint and decency in dealing with matters of sex * Depiction of crime and violence should preclude condonation. * News coverage should be accurate, fair and balanced. Sri Lanka's Television Programme Code drawn up in September 1986. while being country-specific incorporates the substance of the ABU Guidelines. Its code of General Principles sets out four points. a. A high degree of commonsense and ordinary good taste in general; b. Respect for law and order, communal harmony, religious, cultural and social values, parental and adult authority, good morals and clean living; c. Consideration for individual opinions of the public; and d. Special regard for the needs of children and youth. There is still no published data of analysis of the type of programme put out by the private radio stations.