• THE HARRADINE AFFAIR 1959 - 1975 When historians chart the turbulent history of the Australian Labor Party, they will deliberate at length on the Harradine Affair. No doubt they will come to see this passing, pamful incident as one of the greatest attacks on the basic survival of the ALP since the Great Split of 1955, which saw the birth of the Democratic Labor Party. A more accurate interpretation would be that the Harradine Affair is not an isolated incident, but a representation in clear terms of the continuing, undue influences of extreme Right-wing, anti-worker infiltrators in the political and industrial arms of the Labor movement. That Harradine has become such a household word in Australia is a tribute not only to his own energy, but to the influences of his promoters, those grey eminences who make up the National Civic Council, headed by one of the most powerful political figures in Australia, the arch-reactionary Bartholomew Augustine Santa­ maria. For when the evidence is sifted, when the allegations and accusa­ tions gain the backing of provable fact, there can no longer be any dispute over the question of the motives of R. W. B. (Brian) Harradine: as much as his masters in the NCe are bent on tbe destruction of the Australian Labor Party and progressive, effective trade unionism, so too has Brian Harradine publicly and vigorously attempted to inflict most serious damage to the ALP and the trade union movement, both in his adopted home State of Tasmania and on mainland Australia. That some of the more conservative clements in the heirarchy of the ALP allowed the Harradine Affair to drag on for more than seven years is a tragedy of political misjudgment of considerable proportion: the people who initially accused Brian Harradine of being undesirable as a member of thc A LP back in 1968 kncw what it was they were saying. Their allegation turned in to provable fact; copious files of evidence have been accumulated; the accusers have been vindicated. Brian Ilarradine knew the truth of the accusations all along. And this has led him into a course of activity which has shown an arrogant disregard for the pcople who have opposed his continuing membership of the ALP. 3 On September 24 and 25. 1975, the National Executive of the munism", And Section 3 of its constitution allows the Nee to ALP meets in the Tasmanian capital, Hobart. It is this meeting "co-operate with all individuals and organisations animated by like which must write the final, long-overdue chapter in the unhappy ideals in the achievements of the objectives", saga of Mr Brian Harradine, It's fervour for finding communists under every bush has no For the benefit of delegates to that meeting, and concerned doubt endeared the NCC to other extremist organisations, most persons in the political and industrial wings of the Australian notably the American Central Intelligence Agency. While there Labor Movement, this document has been prepared. It traces the remains no proof (because of the secret nature of the NCC) there history of disruption and disloyalty to the interests and aspirations are strong indications that at least some NCC revenue comes from of members of the ALP and thc trade unions which has been the CIA, to assist it in the mutually agreeable fight against assidiously pursued by the National Civic Council, the DLP, and communism. that able representative of those bodies, Mr Brian Harradine. In his stark black and white (or perhaps one should say Red and Green) world, Santamaria has no room for anyone who is opposed to his views, If you do not belong to the extreme he The National Civic Council represents, then you must belong to the extreme which he fights. He claims that he alone has the truth, the answer to Australia's Verv little is known in Australia about the full influences and economic and social ills. Anyone who queries him is automatically ramifications of the National Civic Council (NCC) because it committed to the Purgatory of the Communist camp. conducts itseH with great secrecy. It produces no balance sheets or And while the initial objectives of the NeC were described statements of income, its membership is known only to a few by Santamaria as fighting communism in the trade unions, the people at the top. influence of the NeC has spread inevitably into party politics. Despite denials from the leader of the NCe, B. A. Santamaria, And from his high throne of infallibility, he has defined the over the years, the NCC is inexorably entwincd with the Demo­ Australian Labor Party (and the British Labour Party, Tito's cratic Labor Party and the ROlllan Catholic Church. The fore­ Yugoslavia, indeed socialists anywhere) as being communistic and runner to the NCC was the C!tholic Social Studies Movemcnt, therefore his enemies. Supporters of Santamaria essentially fall known more gcnerally as the Movement. It was through this highly into this line of thinking. The destruction of the ALP and left-wing organised politico-industrial reactionary body that came the wide­ and moderate trade unions is essentially their ambition. spread Grouper inliltratioll of trade unions and the Australian Labor Party during the McCarthyist 1950s. The Democratic Labor Party In December 1957 the Catholic Social Studies Movement changed its name-by unanimous vote-to the National Civic This is nothing more than the political wing of Santamaria's Council. But it was little more than a change of title, for Santa­ organisation. Formed from the split in the ALP in 1955, the DLP, maria remained as leader, the membership rcmained intact and the by use of its preference votes, successfully kept the ALP out of organisation continued activities in the trade union and political office until 1972. And even after the resounding victory of the fields as had its predecessor. ALP in that election, the DLP used its control of the Australian Mcmbership in the NCC is barred to non-Catholics, and Senate to vote with the Opposition to block vital legislation for omcially to members of the ALP, although there have been which the ALP had just been given a clear mandate. examples of Nee members infiltrating the ALP structure. Eighty The following election, in May 1973, was forced on the ALP per cent of NCC members arc also members of the DLP. in mid-term, with the support of the DLP going to the opposition The objectives of the NCe arc well known and peddled through parties in the Senate. Democracy in Australia was riding over its official organ, News Weekly, and Santamaria's regular television rough territory when conservative parties which believed in their chats. Its prime function, as detailed in its constitution, is to god-given right to rule were blocking the progress of a political "defend Australia as a nation against every threat to her liberties party which had been elected by a clear majority of Australians, and free development, especially those which stem from com­ under one of the most anti-Labor gerrymanders imaginable. 4 5 With the re-election of the ALP, the DLP lost all its seats in organiser with the Federated Clerks Union (FCU) in Tasmania, the Senate. It was spent as a representative political force in There has never been a published statement that on his move Australia. to the island State Brian Harradine-then or since-had resigned It was vital. therdore, that the fight against the "communists" from the DLP. of the Labor Government he shifted to new grounds. The Santa­ In 1965 Harradine was appointed to thc federal executive of maria forces stepped up their inOuences in the trade union move­ the Federated Clerks Union in the place of Mr Virgil Morgan. ment. Control hy rig.ht-wing forces of vital trade unions reduces This manipulation had been organised by the then secretary of the them to tame-cat organisations, but more importantly, through DLP, Senator George Cole. And on the executive, Harradine voted afl1liation to the Australian Labor Party, forces the ALP to the consistently with the strongly-established DLP Group, including Right. and away from the principles of democratic socialism which John Maynes (who is now the Victorian Branch Seeretary of the is at the basis of the formation and eontilluinl' survival of the ALP. NCC). Harradine's dedication to the extreme Right was unswerving. Harradine/s role In t 967, for example, at a meeting of the federal executive of the Brian Harradine had an ideal grounding to bring him into line FCU, ALP member Joe Riordan from Sydney moved that the with the ferocious hatred of communists pursued by the Dl,P and union support the election of a federal Labor Government under the NCC. AHer an edm:atioll in a Catholic school. he studied for the leadership of Whitlam and Barnard. Harradine voted against four years at a Catholic seminary. His subjects on this road to a that resolution, with the other NCC/DLP delegates on the priesthood were theolo~~·. philosophy and sociolo~. executive. But he W:1S not to stick to this, and on graduating he became a The 1965 move of Harradine on to the FCU exeeutive coincided porter on the Ghan train which runs between Port Pirie and Alice with the arrival in Tasmania of John Hoare to establish the State Springs. He later worked in the PMG in Adelaide. His education offiee of the National Civic Council. Under the guidance of Hoare, had soaked him in ril';ht-wing, ~lilti-coll1ml\l1ist views, and from Brian Harradine organised small unions - most of them not the time of the 1955 ;plit in'thl' A J.P, he found comfort in the affiliated with the Australian Labor Party-to send delegates to policies and principles of the Democratic Labor Party.