Defining Labor: a study of the political culture of the Victorian Labor Party, 1901-1921. Liam Byrne Submitted in total fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy December 2016 Faculty of Arts The University of Melbourne i Abstract Between 1901 and 1921 Victorian Labor played a crucial role in two episodes that defined the character of the Australian Labor Party. The first of these was the defeat of conscription, and subsequent party split, in 1916. The second was the acceptance by Labor of the socialisation objective in 1921. This thesis seeks to comprehend the dynamics that led to this contribution through analysis of its internal party life; Labor’s political culture. It does so by developing a unique analytical model to comprehend the party’s political culture that, it suggests, can be applied to similar parties of social-democracy/political labour elsewhere. This model is based upon important critiques of the concept of the bourgeois public sphere, and seeks to repudiate the essentialism dominant in many accounts of Labor. It identifies a series of creative processes within the party and broader labour movement of both an ideological and structural nature, utilising the historical developments of this era to demonstrate their operations. In particular, it argues that political labour was defined by a creative contestation between different sections competing for its political leadership: moderates and socialists. This was a contestation conducted by intellectuals of the movement. Through a detailed reading of the texts of party life, and a focus on its centres of power in major party conferences, it has identified James Scullin and John Curtin, both later Labor Prime Ministers, as representative intellectuals engaged in this creative contest. Each developed knowledge and sought to implement movement policy as leaders of these sections, engaged in a creative contestation that helped generate Labor’s political culture. These sections developed a form of Labor knowledge that was further contested by Labor women activist-intellectuals, formulating their own demands, and fighting to develop their own political organisation. The thesis charts Labor’s development from 1901 to demonstrate the relationship between these forces, and how the creative contestation between them fuelled Labor’s development, and the Victorian party’s contribution to the defining episodes in these years. Through this case study the thesis seeks to contribute to a broader discussion of political labour, and also to comment upon the contemporary crisis in parties of social democracy/labour. ii Declaration 1. That this thesis comprises only my work towards the PhD except where indicated. 2. Due acknowledgement has been made in the text to all other material used. 3. The thesis is not more than 100,000 words in length, exclusive of tables, maps, bibliographies, and appendices. iii Acknowledgements I firstly wish to acknowledge the support of the School of Historical and Philosophical Studies at the University of Melbourne. I would particularly like to thank the professional staff at the School for the vital support they have provided over the years. I also wish to acknowledge and thank the Canberra branch of the Australian Society for the Study of Labour History and the Australian National University for the Eric Fry Scholarship in Labour History. I was awarded this scholarship in 2014, which allowed me to conduct research at the Noel Butlin Archives at the ANU, and at the National Library. I wish to acknowledge the generosity of Carmel Benjamin and the Benjamin family, and their support for young scholars in writing Australian history. I was immensely grateful to be the inaugural recipient of the Dr. Rodney Lloyd Benjamin History Prize. I believe it is important to acknowledge that I was only able to study at university, and undertake this PhD, due to the support of the Australian Government through the HECS scheme at undergraduate level, and the Australian Postgraduate Award for the duration of this project. I am deeply thankful for this support. I would like to thank the archives that I visited for their assistance, and the owners of the collections that gave me permission to conduct this research. I would particularly like to thank the University of Melbourne Archives. The support and kindness demonstrated there was second to none. I want to particularly thank Katie Wood for all her assistance. I would like to thank University College for providing the warm community that I have been part of for the last two years. I would like to note my immense gratitude to my fellow postgraduates. It has been a privilege to be part of the intellectual community they have provided, and I have learned an immense amount from them. But even more, I have benefitted immeasurably from their friendship, in so many different ways. I would particularly like to note my thanks to Alex Chorowicz, Dashiel Lawrence, Henry Reese, Xavier Ma, Shan Winsdscript, Jean McBain, Rhys Cooper, and, of course, Chloe Ward, Richard Young, and Emma Shortis. Not only could I not have done this without you – I would not have wanted to. I also want to acknowledge the significant contribution made by Micheál Loughnane in helping to direct me to this path, and for teaching me the most important lesson of all: to never let my schooling get in the way of my education Great thanks to Professor Stuart Macintyre for his generosity with his time and insights. Immense gratitude is due to Dr. Jackie Dickenson, my associate supervisor. I was extremely lucky to have an associate supervisor who was so committed and willing to assist. I am very grateful for all her advice and constructive criticism. iv I was extraordinarily lucky to have Associate Professor Sean Scalmer as my supervisor, and greatest thanks belong to him. Sean’s guidance has been integral over the course of this project, and the Honours thesis that came before it. Sean has been extraordinarily generous with his time, insights, and has demonstrated tremendous patience in helping me to improve as a researcher and writer. I wish to thank my family. Without their hard work and sacrifices over the course of many years I would not have had the opportunity to undertake this project. While I want to thank the entire Johnson clan for their love and support, I want to particularly thank my Mum and Dad, Nessie and Barry Byrne, for everything they have done for me. But the biggest thanks go to my sister, Amy, for providing not just love and support, but also inspiration. I could not have done this without her. Finally, I want to acknowledge two very important people who passed away during the writing of this PhD, my Aunty Betty Johnson, and my Uncle Jim Johnson. Both taught me fundamental lessons as to the importance of learning, arguing, laughing, and family. Both taught me the vital significance of having a Labor heart. It is with gratitude for this that I dedicate the thesis, and the work that went into it, to them. v Contents Abbreviations……………………………………………………………………………………vii Introduction………………………………………………………………………………………1 Chapter One: Labor’s political culture, theoretical approaches and methodologies…….. 16 Chapter Two: independent Labor and the socialist counterpublic, 1901 – 1906…………..52 Chapter Three: James Scullin, John Curtin, and the contest for Labor, 1906 – 1913………80 Chapter Four: the cost of war, 1914 – 1916……………………………………………………110 Chapter Five: conscription and the split, 1916 – 1917………………………………………..140 Chapter Six: the battle for socialisation, 1918-1921…………………………………………..173 Conclusion………………………………………………………………………………………..207 Bibliography……………………………………………………………………………………...218 vi Abbreviations All-Australian Trade Union Congress – AATUC Australasian Council of Trade Unions - ACTU Australian Labor Party – ALP Australian Peace Alliance - APA Australian Worker - AW Australian Workers Union – AWU Evening Echo – EE Global Financial Crisis - GFC Independent Labour Party - ILP Industrial Workers of the World – IWW Labor Call - LC Melbourne Trades Hall Council – THC Member of Legislative Assembly – MLA. Militant Propagandists of the Labor Movement - MPLM New South Wales - NSW One Big Union - OBU Political Labor Council – PLC Social Democratic Party of Victoria – SDP German Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands) – SPD Timber Worker - TW Timber Workers’ Union – TWU Victorian Railways Union - VRU Victorian Socialist Party/Socialist Party of Victoria - VSP Women’s Organising Committee - WOC vii Introduction The national platform of the Australian Labor Party (ALP) declares: The world that our party’s founders knew is long gone, and the nation they built has changed beyond their grandest imagining. Yet we revere our Labor history, and their legacy.1 The Labor Party’s political identity is reliant upon a belief in its historical mission. In a political system that has been largely organised Labor contra mundum, allegiance to party history is a shibboleth through which the true believers can be identified. Labor’s claims on history is a salve following defeat, a weapon in times of challenge, and a guiding light in periods of success.2 But just what is it that defines this historical mission? What lessons does the past have for the contemporary challenges Labor faces as a party of progressive reform? Federal Labor’s most recent period in government between 2007 and 2013 produced some significant legislation, and a broadly social democratic response to the Global Financial Crisis (GFC) in 2008. Yet this period is associated most with internal crises, defined by the leadership battles between Prime Ministers Kevin Rudd and Julia Gillard. The popular image is of leadership coups orchestrated by the ‘faceless men’ of the union movement,3 and the cutting down of Prime Ministers through leaking, ill-timed resignations, and targeted polling.4 After six years in power the purpose of modern Labor remained unclear. Labor’s search for definition is shared by social-democratic/labour parties internationally, seeking to respond to twenty-first century challenges.