City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 10-2014 The New Deal in Puerto Rico: Public Works, Public Health, and the Puerto Rico Reconstruction Administration, 1935-1955 Geoff G. Burrows Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/315 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] THE NEW DEAL IN PUERTO RICO: PUBLIC WORKS, PUBLIC HEALTH, AND THE PUERTO RICO RECONSTRUCTION ADMINISTRATION, 1935-1955 by GEOFF G. BURROWS A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty in History in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, The City University of New York 2014 © 2014 GEOFF G. BURROWS All Rights Reserved ii This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in History in satisfaction of the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Laird W. Bergad ____________________ _____________________________________________ Date Chair of Examining Committee Helena Rosenblatt ____________________ _____________________________________________ Date Executive Officer David Nasaw Gerald Markowitz Herman Bennett Teresita Levy Supervisory Committee THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK iii Abstract THE NEW DEAL IN PUERTO RICO: PUBLIC WORKS, PUBLIC HEALTH, AND THE PUERTO RICO RECONSTRUCTION ADMINISTRATION, 1935-1955 by GEOFF G. BURROWS Advisor: Laird W. Bergad During the 1930s, Puerto Rico experienced acute infrastructural and public health crises caused by the economic contraction of the Great Depression, the devastating San Felipe and San Ciprián hurricanes of 1928 and 1932, and the limitations of the local political structure. Signed into law by Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1935, the Puerto Rico Reconstruction Administration (PRRA) replaced all other New Deal activity on the island. As a locally-run federal agency, the PRRA was very unique and yet very representative of the “Second” New Deal in the United States—which attempted to move beyond finding immediate solutions to the most critical problems of the day and make permanent changes to social and economic life for all U.S. citizens. As the first archival analysis of the PRRA, this dissertation argues that the PRRA actively shifted federal policy in Puerto Rico from a paradigm of relief to one of reconstruction focused on the island’s specific needs in the wake of the hurricanes and Depression. This shift mirrored the larger change from the laissez faire individualism of the 1920s to the more prominent use of federal power to intervene in socioeconomic life during the New Deal. By building the island’s first truly public works and establishing its first public authorities to administer them, the PRRA constructed a new public infrastructure capable of addressing three interrelated goals: increasing life expectancy through concrete interventions in public health; providing more egalitarian public iv access to a safer and more permanent built environment; and limiting the private corporate control of Puerto Rico’s natural resources. Designed by Puerto Rican engineers and built by Puerto Rican workers, PRRA public works projects made concrete contributions to the physical security of millions of Puerto Ricans through the construction of hurricane-proof houses, schools, hospitals, roads, sewers, waterworks, and rural electrification networks. These projects not only made lasting contributions to local social and economic life, they also had a transformative effect on Puerto Rican politics during the 1940s and the meaning of U.S. citizenship for Puerto Ricans in the twentieth century and beyond. v Acknowledgements This study of the Puerto Rico Reconstruction Administration originated with a suggestion from Laird W. Bergad during a seminar on modern Latin American history in Fall 2010, when he made the casual observation that no one has really examined the New Deal in Puerto Rico. Between that class and now, Laird became my dissertation advisor and one of the most important influences on how I approach historical research and analysis. His criticism, advice, and support on this project have been constant in equal measures, and his careful reading of this dissertation proved extremely valuable to me. In addition to his individual supervision, Laird fosters a spirit of collegiality between his students, and one of the greatest contributions he made to this project was introducing me to Teresita Levy. While Teresita’s knowledge of Puerto Rican history contributed to this dissertation, it was her support as a mentor and friend that had the greatest impact on me. For a range of reasons—from travelling to Belize for a panel on Puerto Rico to cooking delicious Puerto Rican meals for Vanessa and me—I am very fortunate to have worked with her. This dissertation would not have been possible without the financial support of the Graduate Center of the City University of New York. As an Enhanced Chancellor’s Fellow and recipient of a Dissertation Fellowship, I also benefitted from financial support via a Doctoral Student Research Grant and a Conference Presentation Support Grant from the office of the Vice President for Student Affairs. Additionally, I would like to thank the History departments of Hunter College and Queens College, where I have taught during the writing of this dissertation. This project would not have been possible without the supplemental funds provided by these schools. Special thanks should go to the graduate and undergraduate students who took my class vi on the Great Depression and New Deal in 2013 and spent six weeks of the summer discussing the politicization of the public during the 1930s and 1940s. At the CUNY Graduate Center, I was fortunate to meet a number of professors, colleagues, and friends who assisted me in both direct and indirect ways. Special thanks must first go to David Nasaw, Gerald Markowitz, and Herman Bennett for their support on this project. Their critical reading of the dissertation and attention to the larger development of my career as an academic and intellectual has been humbling. I would also like to thank some of the professors who contributed to my overall experience at both the Graduate Center and Hunter College MA program. These include: Carol Berkin, Clarence Taylor, James Oakes, Josh Brown, Josh Freeman, Helena Rosenblatt, Jonathan Sassi, José Luis Rénique, Barbara Welter, Michael Luther, Daniel Hurewitz, and Jack Salzman. I am also grateful to friends at the Graduate Center who read or discussed parts of this dissertation and offered me their insightful feedback. These include: Jorge Matos, John Blanton, Ben Becker, Joe Murphy, and Cara Caddoo. Two chapters of this dissertation were presented at conferences, and I would like to thank my co-panelists: Anne Macpherson, Teresita Levy, and Antonio Gaztambide-Géigel from the Association of Caribbean Historians in 2013; Anna Alexander, Mike Bess, Tucker Sharon, and Samuel Martland from the American Historical Association Conference on Latin American History in 2014. I would also like to thank the archivists who assisted my research in both Puerto Rico and New York. Thanks go to the National Archives and Records Administration of New York City, especially Dennis Riley, Bonnie Sauer, and Kevin Reilly; the Fundación Luis Muñoz Marín in Trujillo Alto, especially Dax Collazo; the Archivo General de Puerto Rico in Puerta de Tierra; and the Ponce History Museum. I would also like to thank the Franklin and Eleanor Roosevelt vii Institute and Franklin D. Roosevelt Presidential Library in Hyde Park, New York for a research grant for this project. Special thanks should also go to staff of the Mina Rees Library, the CUNY Library Inter-Campus Service, and the Interlibrary Loan office for their assistance in retrieving many of the books and articles used in this dissertation. When all else has failed, I have received tremendous love and support from my family and friends. For reasons too numerous to list here, I’d like to give special thanks to: Nancy Burrows, Bob and Juanita Burrows, Holly and Bruce Dahm, Kathryn and Vincent Demming, Marco Balderrama, Vic Gonzalez, Kevin Cooke, Sam Weller, and Gwen and Terry. To my parents and in-laws—George Burrows, Deby Romero-Clopton and Jim Clopton, and Barbara and Al Weller—I cannot express the depth of my gratitude for your support, especially as the completion of this dissertation was delightfully complicated during the last year by the birth of our beautiful twin daughters, Charlotte and Ysela. I would also like to briefly mark the memory of a few family and friends who are no longer with us, having passed during the decade or so that I have been in graduate school: Isabelle Romero, Bill Burrows, Cenovio Balderrama, Ryan Noel, Bill Pietsch, and Jim Shaw. Above all, this dissertation is dedicated to Vanessa Burrows. As a scholar, historian, friend, and wife, Vanessa continues to inspire and challenge me by setting such a fine example of personal and professional excellence. Meeting her was the best thing to ever happen to me. viii Table of Contents Introduction .....................................................................................................................................1 Part 1: Political Transformations: Puerto Rico During the