Ethnic Identity and Other-Group Orientation of Ethnic Chinese in Malaysia Su-Hie Ting1a, Su-Lin Ting2b Abstract ARTICLE HISTORY: The study examined the ethnic identity and other-group orientation of ethnic Chinese in Malaysia. The data were Received May 2020 collected from 504 Chinese respondents (252 students, 252 Received in revised form July 2020 parents) using Phinney’s (1992) Multiethnic Identity Accepted July 2020 Measure. The results showed that the parents had a stronger Available online September 2020 ethnic identity than their children. For both groups, the mean scores for affirmation and belonging were the highest among the four ethnic identity components, and the ethnic identity achievement mean scores were the lowest. The results indicate that the Foochow Chinese respondents had a foreclosed identity, whereby they have made a commitment KEYWORDS: to their ethnicity without extensive exploration of the meaning of belonging to their ethnic group. Gender and Ethnic identity socio-economic background have significant effects on Ethnic Chinese strength of ethnic identity, but Chinese-medium education is Intergroup relations not linked to ethnic identity. The findings suggest that the Plural society Chinese are moderating their ethnic identity, but their Assimilation positive other-group orientation is far from the level of cultural adaptation that is required for assimilation. © 2020 IJSCL. All rights reserved. 1 Associate Professor, Email: [email protected] (Corresponding Author) Tel: +60-82-581760 2 MA, Email: [email protected] a Universiti Malaysia Sarawak, Malaysia b Pilley Methodist Institute, Malaysia 76 Ethnic Identity and Other-Group Orientation of Ethnic Chinese in Malaysia 1. Introduction solidarity which results in an enhanced “internal outsider identity”. However, it may esearch on the ethnic identity of the be that while the older Chinese cling on to Chinese diaspora in the United States, their Chinese identity, the younger Chinese are R Canada, and Australia has shown that becoming more open to assimilation. In Chinese identity is tied to cultural practices Malaysia, for instance, the effects of the and the language. If the children of Chinese integration agenda of the school curriculum immigrants grow up with family socialisation (History and Civic Education) are beginning to into Chinese cultural practices, they have a be seen. Awang, Ahmad, Mumpuniarti, and stronger Chinese identity (Mah, 2005). However, Rahman’s (2019) survey showed that the the children may not consider speaking Chinese Malay, Chinese and Indian in West Malaysia necessary to express their ethnic group exhibit cultural appreciation and social membership. Chinese people in various parts acceptance of other ethnic groups. However, of the world consider ethnic identity as an they still have difficulty with cultural adaptation inherited attribute (Clammer, 1982; Mah, and ethnic compromising, which require 2005; Ting & Ooi, 2014; Ting & Puah, 2015; priority to be given to national identity over Verdery, 1978). The Chinese surname marks ethnic identity. Rahim (2018) found that civic their Chinese identity (Wong & Xiao, 2010). engagement in non-governmental organisations While the expression of Chinese identity developed the other-ethnic orientation of the through speaking the language is unimportant youth, which will lead to the bridging of the to some, it is important to some immigrant ethnic divide. Although there are studies on children (Kang, 2004; Wong & Xiao, 2010), ethnic harmony such as Nordin, Alias, and but mostly their parents (Voon & Pearson, Siraj (2018), little is known about whether a 2011). The government of China recognised strong ethnic identity can co-exist with a the importance of language as an identity positive orientation towards other ethnic groups. marker and promoted standard Putonghua to strengthen the Chinese identity (Zhang, 2019). Thus far, research on Chinese identity has Whether the expression of Chinese identity is focused on the younger generation because of through cultural practices or language, the the imminent danger of them losing their Chinese diaspora have maintained their ethnic ethnic identity (Kang, 2004; Mah, 2005; identity despite living among other ethnic groups. Morita, 2005; Ting & Ooi, 2014; Wong & Xiao, 2010). Little is known about how ethnic When the Chinese live among other ethnic identity varies with age although some groups, whether in an immigrant context or a researchers have found age differences in multilingual environment, acculturation or attitudes towards Chinese languages (Puah & assimilation may take place. Teske and Nelson Ting, 2015). There has been a weaker (1974) stated that acculturation is unidirectional identification with Chinese identity in favour involving ethnic minorities changing in the of the Thai identity from the second generation direction of a majority culture, whereas onwards among Thais of Chinese descent assimilation is a two-way reciprocal process (Lee, 2014; Morita, 2005). In Malaysia, some involving changes in the original cultures that younger Chinese have also expressed are in continuous contact. Acculturation inclination towards the national identity eventually leads to assimilation, whereby (Lindstrand, 2016; Wang, 1988). At this internal changes in values take place within juncture, it is important to study the ethnic the groups that are in contact, and the identity of the older and younger Chinese reference (majority) group also changes and within the same study and juxtapose it with an develops out-group acceptance (Teske & investigation of their intergroup attitudes as Nelson, 1974). Political pressures exerted on there may be cosmopolitan shifts in ethnic the minority groups to acculturate may identity and possible diffusion of traditional produce the opposite effect, that is, cultural forms of ethnic cultures. distinctiveness may be heightened because the minority group members feel insecure and act The present study examined the strength of the to preserve their identity. Tan (2001, p. 951) Chinese identity of parents and their children reported that in the face of latent hostility, the among the Foochow Chinese in Sarawak, Chinese immigrants develop stronger ingroup Malaysia. The two research questions are: S. H. Ting & S. L. Ting / International Journal of Society, Culture & Language, 2020, 8(2) ISSN 2329-2210 77 (1) What are the levels of ethnic identity in they were made to acculturate because terms of ethnic identity achievement, ethnic Chineseness was constructed as incompatible behaviour, affirmation and belonging, and with the Indonesian national identity (Tan, other-group orientation? 2001). During the Suharto regime, Chinese (2) How do demographic characteristics language and culture were prohibited but influence the strength of ethnic identity? “Chinese identities were never totally wiped out” (Heryanto, 1998, p. 104). The situation is The study will indicate the outcomes of the changing because many young Chinese living national integration agenda in terms of the in Indonesia are eager to forgo their Chinese Chinese ethnic identity vis-à-vis intergroup identity and be accepted as full-fledged orientation in the context of assimilation. members of Indonesian society although the full Indonesian identity is only available to 2. Theoretical Framework members of indigenous ethnic groups (Heidhues, 1996). 2.1. Chinese Identity In Malaysia, the Chinese are a minority group The Chinese diaspora is said to have a high with a population of 22.8%; the Malay and the degree of maintenance of identity outside of indigenous make up 69.3% of the 32.6 million China over more than a century despite Malaysian population (Department of Statistics, experiencing an intersection of cultures. The Malaysia, 2020). There is no overt political people who carry the label “Chinese” share pressure for the Chinese living in Malaysia to some cultural traditions but the nature of being adopt the dominant bumiputera culture (“sons Chinese differs with the place they live in of the land”, referring to the Malay and (Tan, 1988). “A Chinese is one who identifies indigenous), unlike Indonesia. However, some himself or herself as Chinese and claims to be key events have strengthened ethnic solidarity ethnically of Chinese origin” (Tan, 1988, p. among the Chinese. The 13 May 1969 racial 139). Besides the ethnic label, in Tan’s (1988) riot made the Chinese realise that the Malay view, the other two components of Chinese resented their domination of the economy and ethnic identity are objective aspects the power-sharing bargain negotiated prior to (particularly language and customs), and the the Malayan independence did not work (Tan, subjective experiences of being Chinese. Tan’s 2001). The Chinese, including English- (1988) definition of Chinese identity is educated Chinese parents, reacted by enrolling consistent with Phinney’s (1996) definition of their children in Chinese vernacular schools ethnic identity as “a commitment and sense of (“Chinese schools”, henceforth). The Chinese belonging to one’s ethnic group, positive school enrolment spiked further when English- evaluation of the group, interest in and medium primary schools were replaced with knowledge about the group [subjective Malay-medium primary schools and by the experiences], and involvement in activities and late 1970s, 90% of Chinese parents had traditions of the group [objective aspects]” (p. enrolled their children in Chinese schools 145). Phinney (1996) also emphasises the (Raman & Tan,