The Geographies of Young People, Crime and Social Exclusion Julie Annette Carr Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Leeds School of Geography October 2003 The candidate confirms that the work submitted is her own and that appropriate credit has been given where reference has been made to the work of others This copy has been supplied on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement Abstract Recent crime and disorder strategies, formulated in response to the 1998 Crime and Disorder Act, are structured around a multi-agency approach to preventing youth offending. This thesis critically examines the relationships between young people and the ‘place-based’ focus of the district-wide crime and disorder partnerships and their associated youth crime prevention projects. New Labour’s response to youth crime emphasises the re-establishment of social ties between young people and their ‘communities’, the development of social capital and the move towards socially inclusive strategies. Since 1999, young people, aged between 13 and 16 years, living in 70 ‘high crime’ neighbourhoods have been targeted by the Youth Justice Board’s Youth Inclusion Programmes (YIPs). Two projects located in neighbourhoods in south and west Leeds have formed the case- studies of this research. In Bradford, the research was supplemented by an additional project, the Prince’s Trust Volunteers (PTV), which worked with socially marginalised young people, aged between 16 and 25 years. This thesis offers valuable and contextualised insights into young people’s everyday geographies and social lives. Drawing on qualitative data gathered through ethnography, participant observation, focus groups and interviewing, the research develops understandings of the multiple, yet contested, meanings that young people attached to idea(l)s of ‘community’ and relates these to wider notions of social inclusion, social capital and citizenship. The findings demonstrate that many young people presently identified by agencies to be at risk of crime did not see themselves as ‘socially excluded’. Instead they firmly placed themselves in the micro-scale social networks of family and friends that structured both their interpretations of ‘inclusion’ and ‘community’. Young people’s interpretations of these same concepts were however fragmented and exposed underlying social tensions between themselves and other neighbourhood residents. The research is timely and produces a situated critique of interpretations of ‘inclusion’, ‘exclusion’ and ‘community’ held by both young people and partnership agencies, a consideration of the policy implications of New Labour’s approach to preventing youth crime, and a sensitive appreciation of the relationships between young people, ‘community’ and place. Acknowledgements Many thanks go to my supervisor, Dr Deborah Phillips, who provided continuing guidance and support during the course of the PhD. I would also like to acknowledge the many valuable contributions provided by my research support group members, Dr Martin Purvis and Professor Adam Crawford. I am grateful to the Economic and Social Research Council for funding this research and to the Graphics Unit here at the School of Geography for the production of the maps included in this thesis. I am extremely thankful to all of the young people, who allowed me to access their groups and participate in projects working with them. Their interest in the research, their ability to remain optimistic and ‘have some fun’ provided a continued source of inspiration and generated many lasting memories of the research period. The input and assistance of the project managers and staff at the Leeds Youth Inclusion Programmes and the Prince’s Trust Volunteers scheme in Bradford provided both a valued source of information and facilitated my continued engagement with the case-study projects throughout the research period. The encouragement and support provided by the following project staff, Mick, Helen, Ella, Keith, Sarah, Chris, Lisa, Elaine, Jennie-Marie and Craig has been very much appreciated. My thanks go to the young people, staff and volunteers involved in the following projects: ♦ Bramley and Rodley Community Action’s young people’s group, ‘dig it!’, Bramley young mums’ group and the Kosovan young people’s group, ‘Leeds united! , ♦ Leeds City Council’s youth forums; ♦ Middleton ‘integrated learning gateway’; ♦ The Prince’s Trust Volunteers scheme in Bradford; ♦ The south Leeds Youth Inclusion Programme, in particular, the girls’ ‘hair and make-up group’ and ‘Miggy girls’; ♦ The SPLASH holiday activity schemes in Middleton and Bramley; ♦ Pupils and staff involved in the ‘way ahead’ course at Joseph Priestley College, Leeds, especially Giselle; ♦ The west Leeds Youth Inclusion Programme, especially those involved in ‘choices’, ‘focus on Bramley girls’ and the ‘young people’s Sandford consultation group , ♦ William Gascoigne youth club; and ♦ Youth at Risk, Leeds. I would also like to thank all of those individuals working in key agencies and institutions involved in the Crime and Disorder Act partnerships, who took the time to participate in the many informal and formal interviews involved in this research. Finally, thank you to my family, friends, office mates (Gill, Louise, Nicola and Sharifah) and former colleagues in Bradford for their continual support. Finally, I would like to acknowledge the dedicated encouragement provided by a special grandpa, who sadly was unable to see the outcome of his support. Contents Abstract ...... i Acknowledgements ......ii Contents ......iv List of Tables ......viii List of Figures .....ix List of Plates .... x Abbreviations . .....xi Chapter One: Introduction: Young People, Crime and Social Exclusion................. ..1 1.1. Young people and c rim e ...1 1.2. Young people, crime and social exclusion ...2 1.2.1. The 1998 Crime and Disorder A ct ....5 1.3. The geographies of young people, crime and social exclusion: place, identity and ‘community’ ... 7 1.4. Research a im s ...8 Chapter Two: Youth, Crime and Place: A Review of the Literature ...15 2.1. Introduction ..15 2.2. Constructing ‘youth’ ...17 2.2.1. ‘Youth’ as a separate identity ...19 2.2.2. ‘Youth’ and resistance ...20 2.3. Conceptualising ‘youth’ and crime ..22 2.3.1. Approaches to ‘youth’, crime and place ...23 2.4. Geographies of social exclusion ...28 2.4.1. The roots of post-war social exclusion ...29 2.4.2. Exclusion from citizenship ...35 2.4.3. Young people’s engagements with place in a context of crime and social exclusion............................................................................................ ..37 2.5. Conceptualising ‘community’ ..42 2.5.1. Conceptualising‘community’ and crime ..43 2.6. Young people, citizenship and place ..50 2.7. Conclusion ..54 Chapter Three: Research Methodology.............................. ..56 3.1. Approaching geographies of crime ..56 3.2. Exploratory research................... .58 3.2.1. Exploring national and local policy responses addressing the social exclusion of young people ‘at risk’ of crime .59 3.2.2. ‘Stepping out’: early engagement with young people ‘at risk’ .62 3.3. Focused research: structured engagement with the Youth Inclusion Programmes (Y IPs)........................................................................................66 3.3.1. Negotiating access to the Youth Inclusion Programmes (YIPs) ..66 3.3.2. Structured engagement with Leeds’ Youth Inclusion Programmes (YIPs) 67 3.3.3. Bradford: an alternative approach .69 3.3.4. Continued structured engagement with Leeds’ Youth Inclusion Programmes (YIPs) and the Prince’s Trust Volunteers (PTV) scheme in Bradford.......................................................................................................VO 3.4. Contextual profiles ...70 3.5. In-depth data collection ..71 3.5.1. “Letting young people speak for themselves”: research experiences of focus groups with young people ‘at risk’ of crime ..72 3.5.2. Semi-structured interviews with agencies ..75 3.6. Analysis of qualitative data ..76 3.7. Follow-up ..77 3.7.1. Follow-up research and withdrawal.............................. ..77 3.7.2. Other situated approaches to engaging young people ‘at risk’ of crime 77 3.7.3. Reflections on the research methodology . ..78 3.8. Conclusion ..79 Chapter Four: ‘Tough On Crime, Tough On The Causes Of Crime’: New Labour’s Response to Crime and Social Exclusion............................................................ 80 4.1. Introduction................................................................................................... 80 4.2. New Labour’s response to crime and social exclusion............................ 82 4.3. The Crime and Disorder Act (1998): the introduction of the district-wide crime and disorder partnerships in Leeds and Bradford............................ 86 4.3.1. The Leeds Community Safety Partnership (LCSP) ................................ 87 4.3.2. Bradford’s Crime and Disorder Reduction Partnership........................... 90 4.4. The Crime and Disorder Act and youth crim e........................................... 92 4.4.1. The Leeds Community Safety Partnership (LCSP) and youth crime ... 94 4.4.2. Bradford’s Crime and Disorder Reduction Partnership and youth crime 94 4.5. The Youth Inclusion Programmes (YIPs): the case-study initiative --96 4.6. Conclusion ..104 Chapter Five: Contextualising Place