Page 1 of 7 COMMUNITY FORESTRY CASE STUDY SERIES FU001/95 RECOFTC REGIONAL COMMUNITY FORESTRY TRAINING CENTER & ASIA FOREST NETWORK THE FOREST STEWARDS OF DIAK LAY EAST KALIMANTAN Prepared By Cynthia Josayma ASIA FOREST NETWORK Based on: M. Poffenberger and B. McGean (Eds.). 1993. Community and Forest Management in East Kalimantan: Pathway to Environmental Stability. "The Forest Stewards of Diak Lay." This Case study has emerged is a cooperative effort between the Regional Community Forestry Training Center (RECOFTC) and the Asia Forest Network. RECOFTC's main purpose is to organize and provide training in community forestry in the Asia Pacific region. In support of this mandate, RECOFTC undertakes and facilitates relevant research, technical assistance, exchange of information, workshops, and linkages with appropriate institutions and individuals. The Asia Forest Network supports the role of communities in protection and sustainable use of the region's natural forests. The emphasis of the network's research includes the ecology of natural regeneration, the economics of non-timber forest product systems, conflict resolution, and the community organizations and institutional arrangement that support participatory management. The lessons stemming from this research are used to inform field implementation procedures, reorient training, and guide policy reform. We would like to acknowledge the funding support for the development of the case study. Our thanks to OSDA Forest Service, USAID, Asia Bureau, Natural Resource Management Programme, and SEADO/ODA (Southeast Asia Development Division/ Overseas Development Administration). BACKGROUND Indonesia possesses 60% of all forested lands in Southeast Asia and an even greater proportion of the Page 2 of 7 remaining primary rain forests. Indonesia's forests are not only rich in biological diversity, but they also support millions of indigenous peoples who have historically resided in the outer islands, as well as a growing number of migrants from densely populated Java. The province of East Kalimantan is currently the center of the commercial timber industry, supplying nearly 25% of the nation's commercial needs. The timber is produced by more than 100 concessionaires currently operative in the province. More than 50% of the province was leased to concessionaires in the early 1970s. Communities such as at the case study site, Diak Lay, had changed little until the past 20 years, when logging concessions began operation around their ancestral lands. Forest utilization practices by concessionaires, developers, migrants, and local populations have led to a rapid process of forest degradation, especially in areas near roads and urban centers. While national planners view forest utilization as a way to stimulate economic growth and as a resource to Java's growing population, indigenous peoples view the forest as their ancestral home. Forest dwellers such as the Wehea Dayaks who reside in Diak Lay Possess a thorough knowledge of forest ecology and regenerative processes based on centuries of experience with Sweden cultivation. The case study examines how traditional forest Use systems differ from commercial timber operations and presents the Dayak view of how forest resources might be better managed in the future. CASE STUDY QUESTIONS 1. How do the Diak Lay determine the suitability of now swidden fields? 2. Why do the Diak Lay reserve strips of natural forestland? 3. Which agricultural initiatives have the Diak Lay adopted to meet their economic needs? 4. How have different concessionaires worked with the Diak Lay? THE FOREST STEWARDS OF DIAK LAY Migration of the Dayaks The Wehea Dayaks have a sophisticated understanding of the forest and river ecosystems. It is believed that the Wehea Dayaks migrated from the mountains of the Apo Kayam into the upper reachers of the Mahakam River over the past 400 years. As their communities have grown, they have moved progressively downstream, establishing new villages. In 1870, they sited a village approximately 10 km upriver from the current settlement of Diak Lay, constructing a large, traditional communal long house. By 1945, however, the village had become too large, and the council of elders decided to relocate the families into four new communities along the Telen and Wahou River. Diak Lay was one of the larger new communities, with 52 households The village council met to demarcate communal lands among the groups. The area allocated to Diak Lay was bounded to the north and south by streams feeding the Wahau. Since no other communities resided in the forest area or had prior claims, the community extended its range to the east and west for hunting and now swidden fields During the past 120 years, the forests of Diak Lay have undergone a series of changes and current patterns. Initially, both sides of the Telen River were under primary forest. In the early 1900s, the Wahea Dayaks began opening fields along the bank of the river. By the 1920s, these abandoned fields along the river had been left to fallow and regenerate as secondary forests and fruit gardens. In 1945 the village of Diak Lay was established on the opposite bank. Over the next four decades, swidden fields were extended progressively into the primary forest, up to 6 km from the village. Village leaders estimate that the traditional community lands of Diak Lay comprise approximately 920 km 2. Most of the area recognized as community land serves as territory for hunting and gathering. Lands more intensively managed for active, followed swidden fields, banana, rattan, or mixed fruit cordons, and boundary forests comprise at most 60 km 2 closest to the village, or less than one-tenth of the community's land. Page 3 of 7 LAND USE SYSTEM Selection of Swidden Sites The Wehea Dayaks practice a number of agricultural, agroforestry, and forest management systems. Land resources are broadly divided: those used for swidden fields, either active or in a phase of successive regeneration; those converted to long-term use as banana, mixed fruit, or rattan gardens; and those permanently under largo or smaller tracts of secondary or primary forest. The selection of swidden sites (ladangs) occurs during a community meeting. During this meeting, possible sites are proposed by the village leaders. Other community members may also propose sites. Each proposal must be supported by a description of the characteristics which qualify the site as suitable for agriculture. The primary consideration in selecting a prospective site is whether sufficient natural forest regeneration and soil fertility recovery have occurred since it was last opened for agriculture. In general, if a forest has regenerated for more than 10 years, it is considered as being adequately rejuvenated in terms of soil fertility to support agriculture. Potential plots must be at least 1 ha in order to support several families. Most plots have previously boon used for swidden and are selected in regenerating secondary forests. The site histories and past productivity are considered. Once a field site has been proposed during the communal meeting, the committee visits the area to determine whether the site meets all the requirements. If so, the group will attempt to divide the area equally among the community members interested in forming it. While primary forests often give somewhat higher yields initially, they are generally avoided due to the additional work involved in clearing larger trees. Fields are often opened by cooperative groups of 10 families. An adult male and female from each household travel to the site and provide one full day of labor to each member of the group of 10. This arrangement is usually enough to clear most of the larger trees and shrubs on the plot Homegardens The Wehea Dayak households have traditionally maintained several typos of gardens. The kebun gardens, are primarily dedicated to the production of fruit and rattan for income. Growing populations, interactions with other ethnic groups, and a desire to generate more produce for cash have stimulated the expansion of these gardens in Diak Lay. Generally planted on communal lands, once an individual has invested significant labor in planting fruit trees or rattan, the community recognized his/her rights to the produce. The three types of gardens are differentiated according to primary produce, including rattan ( kebun rotan ), bananas ( kebun pisang ), and mixed fruit (kebun buah ) (Figure 1). Most gardens also shelter a wide variety of additional domesticated and natural forest species. Rattan gardens were started in the early twentieth century in response to expanding commercial demands. Once on old Swidden is used for rattan or mixed fruit, the investment and care is substantial enough that it is rarely reverted bock to a field. Rattan is usually planted in secondary forests with good canopy closure. The most serious threat to rattan gardens is fire. The East Kalimantan fire of 1962 caused extensive damage to the rattan gardens of Diak Lay. Although rattan gardens at full productivity con generate up to 5,000 kg/ha of cane annually, in Diak Lay most rattan gardens produce on overage only 500 kg/ha due to damage resulting from the fires of the 1960s. Most of the rattan supply is purchased by a Kutai agent who owns the village store and handles trade in many forest products. Generally, operators of river taxis purchase rattan from family producers. Villagers and traders report that rattan markets and prices are uncertain. Demand for rattan is often driven by orders from furniture market and exporters in large urban centers. Nonetheless, most families in the village might earn US$75-150 per year from rattan. While rattan is the primary product, these gardens contain a diverse mix of native and exotic species. Research in Diak Lay has documented more than 90 different species of climbers, herbs, trees, and other plants, many of which are useful subsistence goods. The prospects for sustaining rattan culture in Diak Lay ore promising.