Modelling socio-economic dynamics in a working class desegregation area in post-industrial, post-Apartheid South Africa – the case of Danville- Elandspoort, Pretoria By Steve Keith Abbey Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Science (Geography) Faculty of Natural & Agricultural Science University of Pretoria July 2007 Modelling socio-economic dynamics in a working class desegregation area in post-industrial, post-Apartheid South Africa – the case of Danville- Elandspoort, Pretoria Student: Steve Abbey Supervisor: Professor Andre Horn Department: Geography, Geoinformatics and Meteorology, University of Pretoria Degree: Master of Science (Geography) SUMMARY Within post-Apartheid research there is little to no research into poor historically White areas which are experiencing rapid rates of desegregation. It is in these cases a researcher could pose a question to whether or not Apartheid’s race-class divisions are still prevalent. A further gap in South African literature is a lack of a model on which to base socio-economic changes in a situation of post-Apartheid and post-industrial trends. This study addresses both of these short fallings of current academic literature. This paper explores Socio Economic Transformation within a lower income urban area of Pretoria, South Africa. The area, which was previously White only under Apartheid legislation, has been experiencing changes due to factors including post- Apartheid legislation and post-industrialism. Desegregation and a decline in industry have created complicated racial and social patterns within a merging community. Two major trends within the study area include an influx of an upwardly mobile Black population and secondly a downward economic movement of White individuals. The trends identified within the study area contradict many mainstream South African beliefs as the more traditional White-racist-empowered vs. Black- marginalized-oppressed binary is not absolutely valid. These newly emerging racial geographies are identified and explained with the use of personal interviews. The resulting classifications of local individuals are then utilized in a conceptual model to help explain the various socio-economic trends within the area. 2 The study is structured in three main components. Firstly, structural and contextual issues relating directly to the study site are addressed to provide a backdrop on which social issues can be analysed. Socio-economic changes with focus on racial and economic situation are identified and explained. Once the social, economic and spatial are well discussed a theoretical model is developed. The theoretical model is then utilized to plot the individual changes within the study area. The individual trends, which were identified during field studies, are modelled and analysed within a South African context. The model developed from the study has the potential to base further community research upon, both within South Africa and international arenas. The model identifies and explains both the status of individuals which is an individuals socio-economic standing. Secondly trends are defined as an individuals change in socio-economic status through time. Results from the study have shown that labelling the economic situation of varying racial groups on the historic Apartheid framework is no longer valid in all situations. Post-Apartheid racial hiring policies as well as a national de-industrialization trend has created a situation of an upwardly mobile Black middle class as well as a declining poor White economic classification. 3 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Many acknowledgement sections can be overly long-winded thanking everyone in their lives and department. I on the other hand want to keep the acknowledgements sweet and simple giving credit to the very few individuals who actually contributed and made this dissertation possible. Many other people are important in my life and with their friendship or love I am a happier person but their contributions are not relevant to this study and are thus omitted. Firstly, and most importantly - Thank You, Professor Andre Horn, for your support and guidance. And to my mother, Nancy Burgess, and grandparents, Stephan and Joan Burgess, whose timely financial contributions kept me from missing any significant events. 4 CONTENTS 1 THE INTERSECTION OF ECONOMIC CHANGE AND DESEGREGATION – A 10 -----NEGLECTED FIELD 1.1 Introduction 10 1.2 Focus of the Study 11 1.3 General Dynamics 12 1.4 Aim 13 1.5 Specific Objectives 13 1.6 Study Site 14 1.7 Methodology 16 1.7.1 Sources 16 1.7.2 Quantitative Data Sources 17 1.7.3 Qualitative Data Sources 17 1.7.4 Institutional Data Sources 20 1.7.5 Secondary Sources 20 1.8 Summary 21 2 SITE CONTEXT, STRUCTURE AND SUPPORT FACILITIES 22 2.1 Context 22 2.1.1 Location and Proximity 23 2.1.2 Subdivisions 26 2.2 Structure 27 2.2.1 Varying Housing Types 28 2.2.2 Business Infrastructure 34 2.2.3 Public Infrastructure 39 5 2.3 Supportive Facilities and Services 42 2.3.1 Food Banks 43 2.3.2 Soup Kitchens 44 2.3.3 Homeless Shelter 45 2.4 Summary 48 3 SOCIO-ECONOMIC DYNAMICS 49 3.1 Processes 49 3.1.1 Post-Industrial 49 3.1.2 Post-Apartheid 51 3.1.3 Local Consequences 58 3.2 Distinguishable Groups 59 3.2.1 Blacks 59 3.2.2 Whites 61 3.2.3 Tertiary Students 64 3.2.4 Homeless 65 3.3 Community Dynamics 67 3.3.1 Intra-Community Assistance 68 3.3.2 Resident Interactions 68 3.3.3 Problems Expressed 71 3.4 Summary 76 4 MODELLING SOCIO-ECONOMIC DYNAMICS 77 4.1 Conceptual Framework 77 4.1.1 Categories 78 4.1.2 Trends 80 4.1.3 Complete Socio-Economic Transition Model 81 4.2 Application of the Model 82 4.2.1 Black Socio-Economic Modelling 83 4.2.2 White Socio-Economic Modelling 85 6 4.3 Summary 88 5 CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS 90 5.1 Summary 90 5.2 Conclusion 92 5.3 Recommendations 94 5.3.1 Security 94 5.3.2 Community Integration 95 5.3.3 Group Specific Recommendations 97 5.4 Final Thoughts 99 BIBLIOGRAPHY 100 7 LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: Pretoria West and Study Site Location 15 Figure 2: Pretoria West Service Locations 24 Figure 3: Danville and Elandspoort 27 Figure 4: Danville and Elandspoort Housing Types 29 Figure 5: Danville and Elandspoort Expansion 31 Figure 6: Danville and Elandspoort Church Locations 40 Figure 7: Complete Socio-Economic Transition Model 78 Figure 8: Black Socio-Economic Transition Model 83 Figure 9: White Socio-Economic Transition Model 86 LIST OF TABLES Table 1: Study Area Populations 2001 and 1991 52 Table 2: Population Change in Study Area 53 Table 3: Comparative Populations 53 Table 4: Level of Segregation 55 Table 5: Local Comparative Black Population Increases 55 8 LIST OF PICTURES Picture 1: Danville Proper House 30 Picture 2: Danville Extension 3 Housing 30 Picture 3: Danville Ext. 5 Housing 31 Picture 4: Danville Ext. 5 Houses 31 Picture 5: Elandspoort Infill Housing 32 Picture 6: Elandspoort Illegal Dumping 32 Picture 7: Danville Formal Business A 34 Picture 8: Danville Formal Business B 34 Picture 9: Informal Business A 36 Picture 10: Informal Business B 36 Picture 11: Tuckshop A 37 Picture 12: Tuckshop B 37 Picture 13: Elandspoort Park 41 Picture 14: Danville Football Pitch 41 Picture 15: News Paper Clipping on Poverty 43 Picture 16: Homeless Shelter 45 Picture 17: Children Outreach Program 45 Picture 18: Tent Housing 67 Picture 19: Apartments in Danville Business Centre 76 LIST OF APPENDICES Appendix A: Interview Questions Appendix B: Interview Summary Appendix C: Census Data Summary 9 1 THE INTERSECTION OF ECONOMIC CHANGE AND DESEGREGATION - A NEGLECTED FIELD 1.1 Introduction Apartheid can be described as one of the most ambitious contemporary exercises in applied geography (Adam & Moodley, 1986; Maharaj & Mpungose, 1994; Crampton, 2001). It was a policy aimed at segregating the various racial sectors of South African society at every possible level in order to preserve European or White political and economic domination of the country (Adam & Moodley, 1986; May & Rankin, 1991; Christopher, 1997). Scholars agree that the contemporary South Africa city is still as structurally and socially fragmented as it was during Apartheid. The differences in opinion within contemporary literature stem from what the causing factors of post-Apartheid urban social fragmentation are. The prevalent view by, for example (Robinson, 1997; Lohnert et al. 1998; Van Beckhoven et al., 2003), is that the fragmentation is the result of the continuation of the ‘White empowered versus Black-marginalized’ binary. Increasingly, other scholars are challenging this monolithic view on the continued fragmentation of the South African city. Schuermans and Visser has focused on White poverty whereas Horn has focused on the structural desegregation of the South African city (Visser, 2003a,b; Schuerman & Visser, 2005; Horn, 2004, 2005). Although not the main focus of the study, this debate provides the backdrop to the study. The main consequence of the scholarly domination of the Apartheid continuity perspective is the current neglect of the relatively new phenomenon of White urban poverty in relation to rapid residential desegregation. During the first decade after Apartheid desegregation studies focused on the replacement of Whites by Blacks in the CBD (Donaldson et al., 2003), on the limited extent of desegregation in middle and higher income areas (Prinsloo & Cloete, 2002), and on the dynamics of new lower-income infill developments on green field areas in formerly White regions (Lemanski, 2005). Oldfield (2004) has also looked at desegregation but it was 10 focused on social dynamics within a low income mixed Coloured and Black area within Cape Town. Very little is known about socio-economic dynamics in rapidly desegregating formerly White areas. The situation created is one where the Black residents moving to the area may be more economically well-off than the Whites currently in the area.