CONTINUITY IN IGBO CLOTHING VALUES USING IRU MGBEDE COSTUME AS A CASE STUDY. Department of Fine and Applied Arts, Oriaku, Chizoma Imo State University, E-mail: [email protected] Owerri, Imo State, Nigeria. Abstract The preparation for marriage and initiation into womanhood in Igbo land began with the confinement of a maiden in a fattening room, a process known as Iru Mgbede. Iru mgbede as a prerogative to marriage, was most valued and practised among the Igbo because of its attendant benefits to the maiden, her family and society at large. Special costumes and adornments which are highly significant and were as important as the rituals for the ceremony, accompanied this tradition. Unfortunately, iru mgbede tradition is currently facing intrusions from external factors like Christianity and westernization These clauses in culture have led to its oblivious state and regrets. This study therefore aims to contribute to the sustenance of Igbo clothing culture using the symbols associated with iru mgbede. It is expected to retell the story of the lost tradition in order to rekindle its values in the minds of the Igbo people. This could be achieved through the adaptation of Igbo maiden symbols (which were adjudged pertinent to a maiden’s chastity and fecundity) on clothes; assisted by data drawn from the participant observation method of research, interviews and books. Reasons for the recluse were discovered and a new idea towards its sustainability was suggested. Based on outlined findings on the oblivious state of the culture, recommendations were made. The conclusion reiterates the importance of virtue in a young girl considering the alarming rate of moral decadence among the present day Igbo youths. Keywords: Continuity, Igbo Clothing, Iru Mgbede, Uli, Costume. Introduction In time past, the Igbo maiden as a nubile or an unmarried lady underwent some rituals that ushered her into marriage called Iru Mgbede (Ibeh, 2006). These were the ceremonies Negri (1976) describes as “coming of age” and “coming to meet”, which were regarded as custom in most parts of Igboland. Ekwealor (2013) identifies those parts as Ngwa, Bende, Isikwuato, Orumba, Onitsha, Awka, Nnewi, Orlu, Umuahia, Abriba, Okigwe, Aguata, among others, even as they are still practised in some parts of Nigeria today in their different contexts. According to Ibeh (2006), an authority on iru mgbede tradittion at Ihiagwa, Owerri West, Imo state, values were highly attached to it both as a custom, “a long established way of behaviour or doing things” (Hornby, 2010) and as a belief (Abhisher, 2009). The belief in the efficacy of the ritualised symbols on the body is profound in Uri, a dialectical version of Uli. Uli art of body decoration characterises Iru Mgbede tradition. Some of the body markings have therapeutic and cultural underpins just like many other body markings, while a few are aesthetic. The significance of a particular body decoration is defined by the functionality of African art and the status of the bearer. Some are attributed to spiristic and religious practices while others identify a status bearer in traditional as well as contemporary societies. Body decoration from the view of anthropology perceives the body as the primary place for the definition of culture. Unfortunately, Christianity has become regulatory to the art and tradition, hence attenuating the value and communicative power of the associated body markings. Body 66 markings in the form of tattoos have become trendy and fashionable fulfilling aesthetic desires even though some have ritualistic and religious undertone. Abhisher (ibid) observes that people decorated their bodies in certain ways in some societies throughout history, even before the introduction of the slightest form of clothing. This gives the knowledge of body markings as decoration, functioning as clothing in that era. Clothing as defined by Cruse (2012) is a category encompassing a whole variety of materials that cover the body. Even with the intricacy and beauty of the decorations, they could not practically replace clothes. In as much as Aniakor (2017), a Professor of Art history supports that some of the body markings create the illusion of dress with their bold patterns, the source posits that the art of uli body decoration may not be used in a similar context in some communities in Igboland, but may be replayed in ceremonies like the maiden dance and other ritual ceremonies. Iru mgbede process culminates with the outing ceremony as the evidence of the success of the fattening period. It is associated with rotundity of the body (accentuated with the costume) which used to be one of the attributes of beauty in Igboland. The costume according to Okpe (2017), a Chieftaincy titleholder in Nkpehi Emii, Owerri Imo State, was nothing less than the special hair-do, peculiar beads and body markings, that were symbolically believed to assist the maiden succeed first as a wife and then, as a mother. He adds that sometimes, the symbols may intentionally be drawn to interplay with each other to tell a story. Periods later introduced a piece of woven cloth, (akwa mmiri), together with the waist beads (jigida or mgbaji), which replaced the nudity until the interpolation by westernization and fashion. Fashion and textile practice have been sustained over time through the derivation and application of motifs for textile design. The purpose of this study therefore is to sustain Igbo clothing values by lifting the iru mgbede symbols from their conventional place, which is the body, onto fabrics. This would help: - achieve a relatively permanent uli maiden body decoration through an adept selection, combination and modification of the symbols. - create decorated fabrics which will bear iru mgbede associated colours, - enhance the aesthetic content of the adapted iru mgbede symbols, - transform and perpetuate iru mgbede culture of Igboland through documentation. The decorated fabrics will most importantly cover and adorn the entire body and not just the waist region because from a casual survey, it was discovered that the inability of the maiden to cover the vital part of her body as a woman contributed to the decline in the culture. By so doing, the researcher would have succeeded in borrowing an Igbo culture, modernise it and give it back to them in a condensed form. This is in anticipation to the advancement of Igbo cultural clothing value which has been diverged by western ideology and religion. This work is inspired by the works of some artists who are carrying out extensive researches on revitalising the symbolic culture of Ndigbo and adapting them as decorative techniques or media of expression in the execution of their works. The contributions of some great artists to the theory and practice of art, whose philosophies are to intensify the search for Igbo identity, also aided in forming the backbone of this study. Imperatives of Continuity in Igbo clothing value. Clothing can be referred to as the concept of covering the body. In a typical Igbo setting, age, gender and status are easily distinguished through clothing. Abhisher (2009) posits that clothing functions almost as a language in traditional societies, which can indicate a person's age, gender, marital status, place of origin, religion, social status or occupation. This claim depicts the communicative implications of clothing, separating men from boys and distinguishing between girls and women, therefore, class, age and gender distinction need to be streamlined in order to revive the sacred value of clothing in Igboland. In its view, humans began to wear clothes based on the earliest hypotheses on the so-called 'theory of modesty and shame' also known as the fig tree theory, which is based on the 67 biblical story of creation. Through this theory, modesty can vary according to societies but the crux holds sway on females covering their bodies properly. The theory therefore disqualifies the presentation and display of the Igbo maiden in nudity. This was however, discovered as one major reason maidens no longer participate in iru mgbede rites. It is therefore assumed by the researcher that the symbols which were displayed on the body can retain their suitability if transferred onto fabrics, either specifically for that purpose or on the maidens' regular wears. In line with this, Cruse (2012) affirms that special clothes can be worn only during the performance of that special ceremony, or be worn everyday as a marker for special religious status. Hence after the maidens' outing ceremony (izu ahia ezi), the clothes may continue to be worn for their continuous effect and value. They may as well not be worn but they would stand as heirloom or evidence representing, as well as rekindling one of the lost cultural values of the Igbo people. During the olden days in Igboland according to one of the Igbo Chiefs, Okpe (2017), People hardly had clothes to wear except for the woven water cloth (akwa mmiri), used as loin cloth for the men. Women had a piece of it tied round their waists with the chest bare, while children went about naked. The maidens had only strings of beads called mgbaji or jigida on their waists with uli patterns drawn on their bodies, which were believed to serve both aesthetic and functional purposes. Bakare and Ayakoroma (2011) contribute that the most significant aspect of Igbo dress culture is the intricate body decoration made with the special juices/colours of Uhie/Ufie, Uri/Uli, Ogaalu, Nkasiani and Nzu. Okpe (2017) describes uri/uli as the juice produced from a dissected uli fruit, similar to the shape of an orange, which was drawn on the body using a specially fashioned tool. He adds that the patterns were drawn with the juice after fermentation, which darken as they oxidize on the body. Today, new concepts and practices have been added to Igbo dressing culture either through cultural integration, association, or evolution.