August 2004 · From the Editor’s Desk · Sri Lankan Events · International Events · Women’s Struggle and Class Struggle – Kjersti Ericsson · Book Review: Jose Maria Sison,“US Terrorism and the War in the Philippines” · On the Rotten Core and Over- Extension of US Imperialism – Jose Maria Sison · The NDP Diary · Do Not Offer Us a Trifle – Kjersti Ericsson Theoretical Organ of the New Democratic Party From the Editor’s Desk This issue of New Democracy is a few months overdue and the Editorial Board apologises to its readers for the long silence. At first sight much may seem to have happened in the country in the past seven months, but in real terms little has changed in the overall situation and the trend in national politics. Since developments in the past few months are broadly dealt with in Sri Lankan Events, we chose to comment on the state of the media in the country. While there has never been reason for illusion about the neutrality of the media, there is a case for demanding ethical behaviour, about which a sizeable section of the media seems to have no concern. What is particularly worrying about the national media is neither that the media are selective in presenting facts nor that opinion takes precedence over fact but that the media is able to get away with far too many misdeeds. The Island-Divayina group of newspapers has been notorious for its chauvinistic venom and its opposition to the peaceful settlement of the national question. It seems to want a chauvinistic alliance of the UNP, the SLFP and the Hela Urumaya to run this country, and the only good thing that it sees in the JVP is its opposition to the peace process. Its editorials, contributed articles and correspondence vie in their talent for chauvinistic mischief. The Times group of newspapers, now back in the daily English newspaper market with its Daily Mirror, is particularly mischievous in the more popular Sunday Times, with regular columns that stir communal tension and seek to create a sense of panic among the Sinhalese. Its Sinhala daily and weekly, despite an eye towards the chauvinistic sections of the readership, is marginally more cautious than its rival, the Divayina. The Sunday Leader’s concern for the peace process has more to do with bringing down the government than love for peace. Its scurrilous and sensational style are part of its attraction for the opponents of the government, and its exposés of fraud, although selective, have a semblance of neutrality because of its wide range of targets. Raavaya, could be considered to be the Sinhala counterpart of the Sunday Leader, with no less venom reserved for the President. Objectivity is not the aim of either. The Tamil newspapers, with the exception of the state-controlled Thinakaran, cater to Tamil nationalism, with the Veerakesari group, and Sudaroli and its sister paper in Jaffna try hard to conceal their UNP loyalties, but unsuccessfully. None of the Tamil newspapers dare to criticise Indian meddling in regional affairs, and especially the Sri Lankan National question, while they seem to allow slightly more criticism of US behaviour in the Middle East than their Sinhala and English counterparts, perhaps to appease the Muslim readership. The pattern of behaviour of the TV channels and radio stations is no less pleasing, and it is the conduct of certain sections of the private sector media that is used to justify the current unethical conduct of the state-controlled media. The way the state-controlled media is manipulated has met with general disapproval from the public, excluding a small section of ardent supporters of the government. The line of defence of the manipulators of the state media is that the privately owned media is campaigning for the major opposition party and therefore it is not only necessary but also correct for the state-controlled media to be partial in the way they are. But they are doing a bad job of it. What is pathetic is that the state-controlled media are unconvincing and, even worse, they fail to realise it. The bigger danger is that, in the event of electoral defeat of the government in a future general election, the state media too could be turned against the PA, which will be totally isolated. The media are overwhelmingly anti-communist, irrespective of the language of communication. They endorse globalisation and privatisation in principle and are reluctant to take the side of the oppressed peoples of the world. The absence of an alternative news medium for the left is a serious shortcoming. The parliamentary left has relied for too long and too heavily on state sponsorship when available and on the backing of its national bourgeois partner so that for decades its publications lacked credibility as much as the state-controlled media. The genuine left has failed to unite politically and to pool resources to combat right-wing propaganda in the news media. This gap has been exploited by NGOs to provide the alternative media, which was no alternative but fake. Only a few years ago, the withdrawal of NGO funding led to the collapse of certain ‘alternative’ newspapers that were used for free ride by fringe groups and individuals. The danger of fascism is lurking, not far away and awaiting an opportunity to seize state power. Fascism has come to power in Europe with seemingly leftist populist slogans seventy years ago. More recently, it has exploited religious and nationalistic sentiments, and especially hatred towards ethnic groups. Renewed American interest in establishing US propaganda centres in the country does not happen independently of strategic interests. Also the recent threat by an Indian embassy official against Tamil newspapers accommodating articles ‘hostile to India’ cannot be dismissed lightly. With the bulk of the population unaware of the existence of hegemonic interests and the way in which they operate, and with its concerns diverted towards chauvinistic and nationalistic politics, while feeding on trivia for amusement, the task of political awakening will be all the more harder in the event of a fascist take over. The genuine left should work towards a system of mass communication to deliver its message for liberation and national salvation for all nationalities. Broad-based unity, un-deflected by electoral ambitions, sectarianism and personal gain, could achieve this. There is space and scope for a leftist and progressive medium in the current state of political bankruptcy of the national media. It would be useful in the political awakening of the broad masses as well as providing the forum for dialogue among genuine leftists seeking to work on a common programme. Sri Lankan Events In the overall political context of Sri Lanka, the outcome of the parliamentary elections was of minimal significance. The transfer of government from the UNP-led United National Front, already in a state of limbo and unable to deal with the hostile actions of the President, to the United People’s Freedom Alliance PA-JVP alliance, brokered by certain noted Sinhala chauvinists and the notoriously anti-Tamil Tamil politician Laxman Kadirgamar. Equally meaningless was the total sweep to power of the PA, first in the Provincial Council elections for the North Western Province held shortly after the parliamentary elections and more recently in the remaining six provinces excluding the North-East. The lack of public enthusiasm reflected in the poor polling percentage, and the mood of post-election dejection in the UNP camp made the task easier for the PA-JVP alliance. The defeat of the UNF in the parliamentary elections was anticipated for a variety of reasons, including the failure of the UNF government to translate the ceasefire and the talks that followed it into concrete action towards the resolution of the national question. The UNP had none to blame than its reluctance to implement what was agreed upon in the peace negotiations, thus creating the conditions under which the LTTE withdrew from the talks. The LTTE withdrawal and the half-hearted approach of the UNP leadership to bring the LTTE back to the negotiating table diminished in the eyes of the people the significance of the only remarkable achievement of the UNF government, namely the ceasefire and the initiation of the peace process. The UNF government, already under threat of dismissal by the President and facing the prospect of fresh elections at the convenience of the all powerful executive president of the country, who was also the leader of the opposition PA, was grossly insensitive to the sufferings of the poor, especially in the rural areas. For instance, the increase in price of chemical fertiliser only a few months before the dissolution of parliament, which was expected at any time since President Chandrika Kumaratunge became more aggressive in her approach, was seen as folly by several political observers. But then, the UNP had important masters to please in the World Bank and the IMF whose ‘support’ for any government in the Third World was contingent upon the government implementing their ‘economic reforms’, no matter the implications for the people. The overwhelming electoral success of the TNA, forced by an internal crisis to resort to the symbol of the Federal Party (strictly, Ilankai Tamil Aracuk Katci), the until now defunct senior member organisation of the TULF and to use that name for all official purposes, much to the chagrin of its partners, was as predictable as the claims of the badly defeated opponents that the victory was entirely as a result of LTTE bullying tactics and electoral fraud, methods now routinely employed by all major parliamentary political parties. The voting patterns of the Muslims of the East and the Hill Country Tamils did not show any significant change since the earlier parliamentary election, although the leaders had to work harder and spend more to gather the votes.