I OTET POLITICAL REPORT adopted by the National Committee on 8 September 1990 Introduction 1 Namibia 1 Front Line States 2 UnitedOppositiontoApartheid 2 ThecrisisinNatalandtheroleofInkatha 4 The end of the white monolith 5 Theinternationaldimensiontothecrisisofapartheid 5 The"peaceprocess" 6 Futureperspectivesfor Britishandinternational policy 7 The tasks of the Anti-ApartheidMovement 8 TheWayAhead 8 SOUTH AFRICA NelsonMandelaInternationalReceptionCommittee 10 Nelson Mandela Reception Committee - Britain 11 Sanctions 14 South Africa -FreedomNow!campaign 15 NAMIBIA / FRONT LINE STATES 18 CAMPAIGNS Economiccollaboration 19 Military/nuclearcollaboration 22 Sports boycott 23 Culturalandacademicboycotts 24 SouthernAfricaTheImprisonedSociety(SATIS) 24 International work 29 AREAS OF WORK TradeUnions 31 LocalGroups 33 LocalAuthorities 36 Students and youth 37 Women 37 Blackandethnicminorities 38 Health 38 Multi-faith 39 INFORMATION AND RESEARCH Anti-ApartheidNews 39 Research and publications 40 Pressandmedia 40 FINANCE AND FUND-RAISING 41 ORGANISATION Membership 43 AGM/NationalCommittee/ExecutiveCommittee 44 Office/staff 45 POLITICAL REPORT Adopted by the National Committee on 8 September 1990. Introduction THE ANTI-APARTHEID MOVEMENT THE WAY AHEAD 1990 has proved to be a turning point in the history of the struggle for freedom in Southern Africa. Within a period of a little over three months from February to May - Namibia gained its independence under a democratically elected SWAPO government; the African National Congress, Pan Africanist Congress of Azania, the South African Communist Party and other democratic and anti-apartheid organisations were unbanned; Nelson Mandela was released unconditionally from life imprisonment; and the historic Groote Schuur talks took place between an ANC delegation led by Nelson Mandela and the apartheid regime. Developments continued to move at such a pace that by early August the ANC and the apartheid regime jointly agreed that "the way is now open to proceed towards negotiations on a new constitution." The Anti-Apartheid Movement wholeheartedly welcomes the dramatic advances which have been achieved during this period. For the first time the prospect has been opened up of a rapid transformation of South Africa from a racist state into a united, non-racial and democratic society. It is this objective which has been the raison d'etre of the Anti-Apartheid Movement. Everything which has transpired during this period vindicates the policy positions which our Movement has pursued over more than three decades. The price in terms of human misery and suffering which the people of Southern Africa have had to pay to reach this stage has been immense and which we must never forget. This has been due not just to the policies and practices of the apartheid regime but also to the refusal of the major western powers to adopt meaningful anti-apartheid positions over the past three decades which would have speeded up the entire process of change. Of critical importance was the denial of support to the liberation struggle and opposition to the imposition of sanctions. The rapidity with which these same powers were able to secure the imposition of comprehensive UN sanctions against Iraq revealed the extent of the double-standards and hypocrisy which apply in relation to the Southern Africa situation. Despite the progress which has been made during 1990 the challenges ahead remain daunting. The "peace process" now underway can beeasilyaborted. It is not irreversible. However the initiative for change now rests more explicitly than ever before with the ANC and the wider Mass Democratic Movement within South Africa. The Anti-Apartheid Movement thus has the difficult and challenging task of defining and elaborating its role as this process of change seemingly gathers momentum. Moreover the tasks facing the Movement reach beyond South Africa's borders. Namibia needs solidarity in order to consolidate its independence and in particular to end South Africa's illegal occupation of Walvis Bay. Angola and Mozambique continue to be racked by the brutal wars waged by UNITA and RENAMO, and indeed all the Front Line and SADCC states need on-going solidarity. Thus at this, the most critical stage in the struggle for freedom in Southern Africa, the Anti-Apartheid Movement has to ensure that it is able to demonstrate its solidarity in the most effective way possible. This then is "'he Way Ahead." Namibia Namibia became a sovereign independent state and a full member of the international community on 21 March 1990. The symbolic raising of the new flag of Namibia at the independence celebrations in the presence of the UN Secretary-General and world leaders marked the victory of the struggle under the leadership of SWAPO of the people of Namibia against South Africa's illegal occupation of their country. It represented the end of over a century of colonial rule. It also marked the successful completion of the UN Plan, originally adopted by the UN Security Council in 1978, for the Decolonization of Namibia. Elections under UN supervision and control for a Constituent Assembly to draw up the constitution for an independent Namibia took place in the first week of November 1989. Despite growing fears in the lead up that they would not be "free and fair", there was universal acceptance of their results. These gave SWAPO a convincing majority with 57.3% of the popular vote and 41 of the 72 seats in the Constituent Assembly. SWAPO immediately pursued its policy of national reconciliation with the objective of overcoming the divisions and antagonisms which had characterised South Africa's occupation. This policy paid dividends. Unanimous agreement was reached on the new Constitution and SWAPO President Sam Nujoma was unanimously elected President-Designate by the Constituent Assembly which was transformed into Namibia's parliament on independence. The SWAPO-led government which assumed office on independence has had to face many complex problems not least the continuing annexation by South Africa of Walvis Bay, Namibia's only deep-sea port. It also inherited crippling external debts of R790m, incurred by the illegal administration, estimated to be equivalent to 27% of Gross Domestic Product - most of which is owed to South African banking and other institutions. More fundamental structural problems also confront the new government which are a direct consequence of South Africa's occupation of Namibia including widespread social and economic deprivation and unemployment side by side with huge disparities of wealth. These are a product of the deliberate under- development of the country by South Africa and the persistent attempts of its illegal adminstration to incorporate Namibia as a "de facto" fifth province. The creation of new Namibian institutions, not least a Defence ANTI-APARTHEID MOVEMENT REPORT TO THE 1990 ANNUAL GENERAL MEETING October 1989 to October 1990 and Police force, havebeen important priorities. In the economic field Namibia has chosen to join the Southern African Customs Union and continues to use the Rand as currency, thus reflecting the reality of Namibia's extensive economic ties with the South African economy. Namibia has begun its life as an independent state in auspicious circumstances. Despite serious limitations, the UN Plan provided a sound basis for the creation of a united democratic state, and therefore also contributed to an enhancement of the role of the UN in resolving international disputes. The SWAPO government has received universal acclaim for its sound and wise judgement in promoting national reconciliation and now faces the tremendous challenge of "nation-building". The international community, and especially those countries which benefitted from the exploitation of Namibia's wealth during South Africa's illegal occupation, now have a responsibility and duty to ensure that the government and people of Namibia have the resources to meet this challenge. Commonwealth countries, in particular Britain, have a special contribution to make in the light of Namibia's decision on independence to join the Commonwealth. Likewise the United Nations - the Permanent Membersof theSecurity Council in particular -must take effective steps to secure the implementation of UN Security Council Res. 432 in order to end South Africa's annexation of Walvis Bay. Front Line States The independence of Namibia - often referred to as Africa's last colony - represented a further advance in the long drawn out anti-colonial struggles of the African people to rid their continent of foreign domination. It also meant that another nation forged out of the experience of armed struggle joined the Front Line States grouping. First created in the mid-1970s, following Mozambican and Angolan independence, to provide a framework for co-ordinating regional policy, the Front Line States have played a historical role in support of the process of liberation throughout Southern Africa; a role exemplified by their decision at the initiative of the ANC to draw up the basis for a political settlement in South Africa which was adopted by the OAU as the Harare Declaration. Their role in support of the freedom struggle made them a target for Pretoria's devastating policy of aggression and destabilisation. And all these states continue to pay a price for the role they have been playing despite the fact that direct South African military intervention of the Front Line States has ostensibly ceased. Angola and Mozambique have suffered the most. The proxy