82 Visual Persuasion for Lawyers Ticien Marie Sassoubre In 2014, video images of Michael Brown’s body lying in the street in Ferguson, Eric Garner dying in a chokehold, and the shooting of twelve-year-old Tamir Rice prompted a national conversation about law enforcement and race. Video technology was widely heralded as holding the promise of both proving and deterring police misconduct. The same year, the Supreme Court dismissed a wrongful death lawsuit on the ground that video captured by cameras mounted on police vehicles conclusively established the reasonableness of an officer’s use of deadly force.1 This coincidence disclosed a troubling contradiction. On the one hand, the ubiquity of camera phones and various forms of surveillance video seemed to hold the promise of injecting “reality” into legal processes in a way that would protect minorities and safeguard civil rights. On the other, the ubiquity of camera phones and various forms of surveillance video threatened to render unnecessary the very trials protestors were calling for by offering judges apparently objective knowledge about disputed events. The authority the image enjoys in our national media had finally breached legal discourse’s long-standing resistance to that authority.2 And the breach had exposed the incoherence of legal engagements with visual culture.3 I couldn’t imagine teaching my law and film class in the usual way anymore. It was time to develop a course in visual literacy for lawyers.4 My first task was to try to understand what, if anything, had changed. After all, though much is made of the multimodal nature of our twenty-first-century Ticien Marie Sassoubre is Lecturer, Stanford Law School. I am grateful to Norman W. Spaulding, Michael Asimow, Ari Hoffman, and Paul-Jon Benson for their thoughtful comments. 1. Plumhoff v. Rickard, 572 U.S. 765 (2014). The opinion extended a similar holding in Scott v. Harris, 550 U.S. 372 (2007). 2. See Elizabeth G. Porter, Taking Images Seriously, 114 COLUM. L. REV. 1687, 1723-49 (2014). On the cultural authority of the image, see for example, GETTING THE PICTURE: THE VISUAL CULTURE OF THE NEWS (Jason E. Hill & Vanessa R. Schwartz eds., 2015); MILES ORVELL, THE REAL THING: IMITATION AND AUTHENTICITY IN AMERICAN CULTURE, 1880-1940 (1989). 3. On the oscillating legal treatment of photographs and other visual representations in the late nineteenth century, see Jennifer Mnookin, The Image of Truth: Photographic Evidence and the Power of Analogy, 10 YALE J.L. & HUMAN. 1 (1998). Jessica M. Silbey documents the inconsistency of the legal treatment of filmic images in the twentieth century inJudges as Film Critics: New Approaches to Filmic Evidence, 37 U. Mich. J.L. Reform 493 (2004). 4. I was by no means first to come to this conclusion.See Richard K. Sherwin, Neal Feigenson & Christina Spiesel, Law in the Digital Age: How Visual Communication Technologies are Transforming the Practice, Theory, and Teaching of Law, 12 B.U. J. SCI. & TECH. L. 227 (2006). Journal of Legal Education, Volume 68, Number 1 (Autumn 2018) Visual Persuasion for Lawyers 83 digital media, newspapers and magazines were already multimodal—in the sense of combining words and images—by the late nineteenth century.5 And while early-nineteenth-century Americans gauged truth by a claim’s reasonableness, by the end of the nineteenth century, Americans already tended to believe that what they saw “in a photograph was true—from the finish of a horse race to the nebulae in the sky.”6 By the mid-twentieth century, video had largely supplanted the photograph as the standard for objective representations of reality, as proof. Evidence and trial advocacy have been grappling with the technological and cultural development of visual representation for more than a century. Nevertheless, law has until very recently continued to treat visual representations as ancillary to facts, not as facts in and of themselves. Legal persuasion has remained the province of language, tested by reason. And judges have reinforced this hierarchy in their encounters with images. Since digital cameras and the Internet combined to render our experience of the world more or less always visually represented and, for the most part, instantaneously publishable, our expectations of what can be caught on camera are certainly greatly expanded. But that doesn’t explain why visual representations are suddenly making their way into areas like contracts,7 or why design thinking is now affecting the way legal products (and services) look.8 If something has changed, the difference is not so much the technology as the transformation of our cultural norms of persuasion. It became clear to me that a course in visual literacy for lawyers would have to respond to the broad field of visual representational practices that today constitute effective persuasion. But I encountered an immediate difficulty in pinning down just what “visual literacy,” broadly conceived, might be. As art historian James Elkins reminds us, at a basic level, “visual literacy” “can’t possibly mean anything. If it did mean something, then we would be able to read images, to parse them like writing, to read them aloud, to decode them and translate them.”9 Obviously, we can’t. And while the humanities have long experience with visual representation, images defy precisely the kind of reduction that general competency would require. There is no single authoritative account of what to see when you look 5. See JAMES ELKINS, VISUAL STUDIES: A SKEPTICAL INTRODUCTION 129-36 (2003). 6. WILLIAM M. IVINS, JR., PRINTS AND VISUAL COMMUNICATION 94 (1953). 7. See Jay Mitchell, Whiteboard and Black-Letter: Visual Communication in Commercial Contracts, 20 U. PA. J. BUS. L. (forthcoming), https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3057075; Elizabeth G. Porter & Kathryn A. Watts, Visual Rulemaking, 91 N.Y.U. L. REV. 1183 (2016). 8. See, e.g., LEGAL DESIGN LAB AT STANFORD, http://www.legaltechdesign.com. 9. See ELKINS, supra note 5, at 128. Neuroscience has begun to provide us with a physiological explanation for the difference between the way we “read” images and words. See, e.g., BENJAMIN K. BERGEN, LOUDER THAN WORDS: THE NEW SCIENCE OF HOW THE MIND MAKES MEANING (2012). 84 Journal of Legal Education at an image, or even how to make sense of what you perceive.10 Interdisciplinary borrowing amounts to choosing between overlapping, competing, and contested interpretive theories.11 The fact that so much of our persuasive communication today is multimodal only exacerbates the problem. Not only is there no one rubric for decoding what images mean on their own, but there is no one rubric for decoding the meaning of words and images or graphics working together.12 Elkins proposes an alternate approach to visual culture that reflects both the enormous range of images we encounter and the specificity of each image.13 Rather than thinking about visual literacy in terms of an interpretive tool kit, he suggests that visual literacy involves acquiring competence in a variety of representational practices, like the making of photographic and digital images and special effects, graphic design and architectural drafting, and the various representational practices employed in the sciences.14 This approach strikes me as especially useful for thinking about law and visual culture because it acknowledges the diversity of images we encounter in legal discourse (e.g., MRIs, surveillance videos, statistical graphs, blueprints, CGI reproductions of accident scenes). Indeed, Jennifer Mnookin has recently begun to explore the legal treatment of what she calls “semi-legible” images— images that require technical competence to decipher, or offer information that is partial and/or ambiguous.15 The increasing occurrence of visual representations in legal discourse will only amplify the challenge of engaging with those representations competently.16 Visual images are made and viewed in particular historical and cultural contexts, embedded in particular fields of knowledge, and produced in dialogue with particular conventions. The version of visual literacy for lawyers that Elkins’ approach suggests requires attention to how an image was produced, what the image was produced for, and the kind of expertise that is 10. The list of possible citations here makes the case. See THE PHOTOGRAPHY READER: HISTORY AND THEORY (Liz Wells ed., 2d. ed. 2002); FILM THEORY AND CRITICISM (Leo Braudy & Marshall Cohen eds., 6th ed. 2004). 11. See THE VISUAL CULTURE READER (Nicholas Mirzoeff ed., 2d ed. 1998);V ISUAL CULTURE: THE READER (Jessica Evans & Stuart Hall eds., 1999). Much of the work in the field assumes a familiarity with continental theory, which can make it challenging for the uninitiated. 12. John A. Bateman offers a relatively accessible survey of the field in MULTIMODALITY AND GENRE: A FOUNDATION FOR THE SYSTEMATIC ANALYSIS OF MULTIMODAL DOCUMENTS (2008). 13. See ELKINS, supra note 5, at 142-94; see also JENNIFER ROSWELL, WORKING WITH MULTIMODALITY: RETHINKING LITERACY IN A DIGITAL AGE (2013). 14. ELKINS, supra note 5, 140-87. On the visual culture of the sciences, see VISUAL CULTURES OF SCIENCE: RETHINKING REPRESENTATIONAL PRACTICES IN KNOWLEDGE BUILDING AND SCIENCE COMMUNICATION (Luc Pauwels ed., 2006). 15. Jennifer L. Mnookin, Semi-Legibility and Visual Evidence: An Initial Exploration, 10 LAW, CULTURE AND THE HUMANITIES 43 (2014). 16. As Elkins insists, the fact that visual culture is familiar does not mean that the study of visual culture should be easy. ELKINS, supra note 5, at 65. Visual Persuasion for Lawyers 85 required or assumed in order to “read” it (for example, a surgeon will defer to a radiologist’s reading of a CT scan). It also requires attention to what’s missing in the image—what is outside the frame of the surveillance camera, the data that have not been plotted. So I designed a course that would train students to ask the right kinds of questions about the knowledge particular images variously create, organize, represent, assume, require, and deny.