Trinity College Trinity College Digital Repository Resist Newsletters Resist Collection 2-28-1985 Resist Newsletter, Feb. 1985 Resist Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.trincoll.edu/resistnewsletter Recommended Citation Resist, "Resist Newsletter, Feb. 1985" (1985). Resist Newsletters. 180. https://digitalrepository.trincoll.edu/resistnewsletter/180 Newsletter#l 73 A call to resist illegitimate authority February 1985 The Philippine Opposition Movement ERIK GUYOT 0 ver the past year, the Philippines has joined the ranks of countries where an entrenched dictatorship is rapidly being challenged by a broad-based op­ position movement. After 13 years of almost virtual one man rule, the Philip­ pine political arena is being swept by new winds of change. In the cities, tens of thousands of demonstrators regular­ ly overflow the streets to be dispersed only by water cannon and gunfire. In the countryside, a strong guerilla move­ ment has called certain areas "off limits'' to the Philippine military. Officials both in Manila and Wash­ ington see the days of the Marcos gov­ ernment as numbered - some say at the outside 18 months. The question has become not who among the promi­ nent political personalities in the Phil­ ippines will supplant Marcos, but what form of economic and political system will replace the current regime. There is a growing sense - of hope in the which are now enacted in the urban a string of one term Presidents. Politics Philippines, apprehension in Washing­ demonstrations and rural resistance. was often an avenue for building pri­ ton - that a post-Marcos government Before the Marcos era, Philippine vate largesse. Senate President Jose will be broad-based, nationalist in pro­ politics was generally characterized by Avelino candidly summed up the un­ gram, democratic in action, and com­ the maneuvering for power among a written rules of the period thus: "If you mitted to genuine land reform. relatively small group of elite politi­ cannot permit abuses you must at least cians. Family and personai ties formed tolerate them. What are we in power Thirteen Years of One Man Rule the basis for power alignments while for? We are not hypocrites. Why The Marcos government's rule since the inability of any one faction to con­ 1965 set in motion the social forces solidate power for long was reflected in Continued on page Two Philippines Continued from page One should we pretend we are saints when in effectively dismantled the business and of a complex web of coconut mills, reality we are not?" upperclass' major power base in the credit associations exclusively for large The Marcos era changed that system National Assembly, their future ability plantations, and export boards. At the of alternating rule by various factions to mount sustained opposition was bottom of the pyramid, the vast majori­ of the pro-U .S. elite. Soon after his severely limited. Second, the massive ty of day laborers or tenants receive election in 1965, Marcos began to in­ crackdown and establishment of the from one-third to one-fourth of their stitutionalize the role of a new actor in military as a major political force con­ crop worth approximately $200 per politics which would guarantee his con­ vinced many of the student, peasant year. Perched on top are Defense Min­ tinued position: the military. Through and worker leaders that parlimentary ister Juan Ponce Enrile and the the expansion and integration of the maneuverings alone could not dislodge "coconut king" Eduardo Cojuangco. military into ''economic development'' the Marcos regime. In the sugar industry, controlled by Marcos was ultimately able to trans­ sugar baron Roberto Benidicto, the top form the military into a power base 7% of the landlords own 46% of the which only he controlled. This deepening immis­ land, while over half of the landowners In the early 1970s a growing na­ eration has given the Phil­ are relegated to 9% of the land. The ex­ tionalist movement demanding eco­ ippines the distinction of pansion of these vast plantations con­ nomic sovereignty and the removal of tinues to be carried out at the expense U.S. military bases began to make its having the second lowest of small landowners who are displaced presence felt both in the courts and in daily food consumption rate through debt mortgaging or military the streets. Marcos responded swiftly to means; Peaceful attempts by farmers to this challenge by declaring Martial Law in Asia, lower than Bangla­ organize and retain their land are on September 21, 1972. The Philippine desh. It also created a social systematically cut short by the Philip­ Congress was abolished, the press was powderkeg waiting to pine military. muzzled, and within a few weeks over In the cities, the government has 30,000 people were jailed. Speaking at a explode. created export processing zones where rally in front of the White House on the it guarantees low wages and no strikes twelfth anniversary of Martial Law, The imposition of Martial Law and for foreign multinationals. The "suc­ former Senator Jose Diokno firmly laid the subsequent militarization were the cess'' of this policy is reflected in the responsibility at the U.S. doorstep: logical outcome of the model of eco­ declining wage rates: from 1972 to 1978 ''Faced with a resurgent nationalism nomic development practiced in the wages for skilled workers dropped which demanded that all foreign bases Philippines. Export-oriented growth 25 CT/o, unskilled 30%. This deepening be removed, the U.S. government, and ''development from above'' be­ immiseration has given the Philippines Marcos, and the elite decided that be­ came the overriding policy. Under the the distinction of having the second fore the organized strength of the peo­ guidance of the IMF and its sister insti­ lowest daily food consumption rate in ple equalled the strength of their rhetor­ tution the World Bank, the Philippine Asia, lower than Bangladesh. It also ic, Martial Law was necessary.'' economy was geared even more created a social powderkeg waiting to By declaring Martial Law Marcos ef­ towards exporting a few agricultural explode. fectively positioned himself as sole products such as coconut, pineapple, guarantor of the U.S. military bases, sugar, and banana as well as the pro­ thereby insuring his position vis a vis duction of light goods by foreign the U.S. while consolidating his power multinationals. To attract multina­ over the domestic opposition. During tionals, low wages, "labor discipline," the early years of Martial Law, Marcos and currency devaluation were neces­ transformed the military into an effec­ sary. In addition, the entire Philippine tive power base expanding it fourfold economy was bound even tighter to the from a modest size of 60,000 to over fluctuations of the world commodities 240,000 personnel. Direct U.S. military market. 2 aid was crucial to this process jumping Along with this form of economic from $10 million for the twenty year development, Marcos introduced the period prior to Martial Law to $170 present system of concentrating eco­ ILLEGITIMATI AUTIIOIZITJ million for the first five years of Mar­ nomic wealth in the hands of a few loy­ ,=...,-.·~ ~-.JC""'", ~ "61 tial Law. Moreover, with U.S. advice alists, which presently carries the epi­ and training, an extensive national thet "crony capitalism." Under crony The Resist New5/et1er is published ten security system was firmly established. capitalism, Marcos expropriated com­ times a year by Resist, Inc., 38 Union U.S. advisors applying their experience mercial holdings from certain busines­ Square, Somerville, MA 02143. (617) from Saigon helped set up the secret in­ ses and transferred them to personal 623-51 lO. telligence agency NISA as well as the friends and the military. The coconut Resist staff: Ken Tangvik crowd control unit METROCOM. 1 industry, which one out of every four Meredith Smith This consolidation of power through Filipinos depends upon and is the Typesetting: Nancy Wechsler the military rather than the traditional largest foreign exchange earner, is the Gay Community News parliamentary methods brought about prime example. The industry was ex­ Printing: Red Sun Press two conditions. First, since Marcos had panded and brought under the control .... Page Two Resist Newsletter February 1985 General Secretary of the Nationalist Alliance, a broad coalition which spans the liberal democrats and the left, described the cooperation between the two thus, " ... all the people's organizations, clandestine or open, are all in the process of dismantling the dic­ tatorship and they are learning to coop­ erate with each other, work with each other, and support each other." The major organization on the left is the National Democratic Front (NDF), an illegal, broad-based coaltion encom­ passing most sectors of Philippine society: workers, peasants, women, na­ tional minorities, clergy, students, and professionals. Drawing its strength from these sectors supporting it, the NDF is recognized as the best-organ­ With the international recession in elite-oriented politicians intent primari­ ized and most potent opposition force 1979, the model of development from ly on replacing Marcos, to issued ori­ in the Philippines. Its twelve point pro- above began to come apart at the ented organizations calling for exten­ seams. Foreign markets for Philippine sive economic and social change, the exports shrunk. The first world erected opposition falls into three broad In the first quarter of protectionist barriers against Philip­ categories. 1984, some 950,000 work­ pine products throwing more employ­ The so-called traditional opposition ers were laid off due to the ees out of work. And the massive is comprised primarily of older politi­ foreign borrowing needed to lubricate cians from the Martial Law and pre­ debt crisis. Unemployment the system began to ratchet the Philip­ Martial Law era. Most prominent has now reached 40% while pine foreign debt up to precarious new among them are Salvador Laurel, a inflation has climbed levels.