James B. Pick, Edgar W. Butler. Mexico Megacity. Boulder, Col.: Westview Press, 1997. xviii + 411 pp. $90.00, cloth, ISBN 978-0-8133-8983-7. Reviewed by Robinson A. Herrera Published on H-Urban (March, 1999) Despite the existence of other important ur‐ economic, environmental, labor force, and corpo‐ ban centers in modern Mexico, Mexico City re‐ rate themes" (p. 2). mains the nucleus of political and economic pow‐ In the tradition of quantitative studies pio‐ er. In the last decades it has come to dominate neered by serials such as the Statistical Abstract popular culture as well, primarily due to its role of Latin America[1], Pick and Butler hesitate to in‐ as the central base for the country's television, ra‐ terpret the information too profoundly, preferring dio, and newspaper industries. To better under‐ instead to provide data, analysis, and narrative.[2] stand this massive metropolis' problems and po‐ This does not mean that Mexico Megacity is a tential, James B. Pick (professor of management mere collection of raw data, but it does demon‐ and business) and Edgar W. Butler (professor of strate the authors' greater interest in presenting sociology) have examined a forty-year period in findings and supporting data than in making val‐ the life of the city, from 1950-1990, occasionally ue judgments. Yet, at times, particularly in cases extending their analysis to 1930. The resulting dealing with the unequal distribution of resources work, Mexico Megacity, titled thus after the latest that result in exploitation, Pick and Butler do not moniker applied to the city under study, ranks as refrain from expressing their opinions. In the a major contribution to thefeld of quantitative main, however, Pick and Butler avoid unneces‐ history in general and more specifically to the sary polemics and instead concentrate on the task field of modern Latin American history. The book at hand, providing policy makers and interested betrays the two scholars' many years of work on scholars with an analytical framework for under‐ such varied topics as Mexico's economy, labor, standing modern Mexico City and other like ur‐ and mortality. Mexico Megacity reflects the man‐ ban centers. In an effort to make the book accessi‐ agement and sociological backgrounds of the au‐ ble to non-specialists, Pick and Butler also provide thors as it sets out to cover "demographic, social, introductory information to facilitate comprehen‐ sion of their study. H-Net Reviews As sources, Pick and Butler rely on materials extends from 1821 to 1990, with major focus contained in the Mexico Database Project, a mas‐ placed on the period from 1970 to the present. sive collection of published and unpublished Rather than focus on Mexico City as an isolated sources including census records and annual sta‐ case, the authors examine the process in a nation‐ tistical volumes published by the Mexican federal al context. Put differently, Pick and Butler exam‐ government. A book such as Mexico Megacity, if it ine the growth of cities throughout Mexico and intends to ever see print, must by force rely on then compare Mexico City to its other national easily accessible materials. To do otherwise runs counterparts. They continue this mode of discus‐ the risk of getting trapped into an endless, and of‐ sion throughout the book. This method proves ex‐ ten not fruitful, search of widely scattered docu‐ emplary as it provides a broad context and gives ments. Pick and Butler state that they developed immediacy to their discussion. The Mexican fed‐ this book as part of the Database Project. The pri‐ eral government long ago identified the problem mary sources in the Database Project, in combina‐ of runaway growth and consciously sought to alle‐ tion with an exhaustive bibliography, allow them viate the problem. Pick and Butler discuss poli‐ to fully document their conclusions and makes cies, such as the creation of the Mexico Population Mexico Megacity an excellent example of the Council (known by its Spanish acronym of blending of raw and interpreted data. CONAPO). CONAPO successfully sought to siphon Pick and Butler divide their book into thir‐ away excess population from Mexico City to other teen chapters, eleven core, an introduction, and urban areas or, in the best of cases, prevent mi‐ conclusion. They are titled as follows: "Overview;" gration to Mexico City altogether. By taking an ac‐ "Urbanization in Mexico;" Population if Mexico tive role, the Mexican federal government directly Megacity;" "Marriage, Fertility, and Family;" "Mi‐ contested the notion that a primary city is un‐ gration;" "Mortality and Health;" "Environment avoidable. Indeed, Pick and Butler found that and Housing;" "Socioeconomic Characteristics;" Mexico City's percentage of the total national pop‐ "The Economy;" "Labor Force and Labor Market;" ulation will likely decrease from 25 percent to 18 "Economic Transformation in Mexico Megacity;" percent from 1990 to 2015 (p. 50). Despite the "Spatial Structure of Mexico Megacity," and "Mexi‐ drop of 7 percent, Mexico City will retain its na‐ co Megacity in the Future." Additionally, the book tional dominance in raw numbers. Yet one is left contains about 380 fgures, maps, and tables. The with the impression that had the federal govern‐ use of fgures and tables provides easily accessi‐ ment not intervened the situation would have ble corroboration for the points raised in the text been far worse. while the maps give a welcomed spatial portrayal In Chapter Three, Pick and Butler contest of themes such as divorce, mortality, and automo‐ Surinden Mehta's thesis that primary cities result bile ownership (to name just three) as related to partially from a country's small size and large the city's delegations and municipios (municipali‐ population (p. 55). The authors do not question ties). As well, dividing the city along extant politi‐ Mexico City's primacy--indeed they cite the city's cal clusters serves to illustrate not only the con‐ primacy index as 2.0 in 1830 (that is Mexico City centration of wealth in some areas over others, was twice as large as the next largest city at that but also the similarities and differences in em‐ time), 8.3 in 1950 and decreasing to 5.4 in 1990. As ployed labor and education. well, the authors found that in terms of political Chapter Two covers the topic of urbanization and economic dominance Mexico City also fts in Mexico, an exploding and pressing problem well into the primary city model. Additionally, throughout Latin America today. The chronology Pick and Butler conclude that while Mexico City's percentage of the total national population is in‐ 2 H-Net Reviews deed declining (see above) its net population is in‐ Despite its overall strengths, the book does creasing. Interestingly, the traditional core of have minor faws. Some errors, such as the mis‐ Mexico City, while densely congested, has lost spelling of Porfirio Daz' name (spelled as Porforio population to the outlying areas. Thus the city Diaz, p. 253), have no place in a book on Mexico continues to expand, with public transportation City. The fault for this would seem to lie with the grids serving as magnets for the population. Yet publisher and not the authors. Additionally, on a Mehta's equation of large population with small few occasions Pick and Butler make comments country size does not explain Mexico City's posi‐ without providing necessary discussion leaving tion of primacy. For one thing, Mexico boasts a the reader somewhat bewildered. In Chapter large national territory, a somewhat dispersed Four, they state "As Mexican society gradually population, and other urban areas that, while sig‐ modernizes and outgrows somewhat its Spanish, nificantly smaller than Mexico City, are still sub‐ Catholic social traditions, there are indicators of stantial. This situation makes Mexico City quite emerging forms of family structure" (p. 97). Since distinct from other nearby primate cities (e.g. the authors do not expand on this comment it Guatemala and San Salvador) that more closely would seem that they subscribe to the idea that resemble Mehta's model. Therefore, Pick and But‐ Catholicism and Mexico's Spanish past (no men‐ ler suggest that Mexico City might represent ei‐ tion of native contributions) have to a large extent ther a model of a primate city in transition or an dictated family structures. Yet earlier in the same anomaly to the influential model presented by chapter they state that "Free union, sometimes Mehta. called common law marriage, has been prevalent Nearly every chapter contains new and ex‐ in Mexico for generations" (p. 89). So which is it, a tremely useful information, although Chapter Sev‐ strong Catholic tradition that dictates family en proved the most interesting, at least to this re‐ structures or a pragmatic adaptation of Catholic viewer. In this chapter, the authors shed light on tradition? In all fairness, the authors state from the impact that Mexico City's burgeoning popula‐ the onset that they intend to avoid discussions tion has had on the environment. They create ag‐ such as this, but by making such comments they gregate statistics (and present them in cluster only distract the reader from what otherwise form) for indicators such as housing, sewage, and ranks as an excellent and highly recommended the use of coal and frewood. This chapter is also study. timely given the strong international interest in Notes improving ecological management. The federal [1]. For other examples of classics of Latin government has made some effort to curtail the American quantitative works see James Wilkie, most pressing problems, but these have been too The Mexican Revolution: Federal Expenditure and few and under-budgeted to make significant Social Change Since 1910 (Berkeley: University of progress. Pick and Butler found that the imple‐ California Press, 1967) and , The Bolivian Revolu‐ mentation of aggressive measures to control the tion and U.S.