Notes Introduction 1. For a good introduction to Pinocchio, see the “Essay on Pinocchio” in Collodi/Perella 1986; that volume also includes the Castellani Pollidori edition of the original text and a facing page translation by Perella. For another good trans- lation, see Collodi/Lawson Lucas 1996 and also her essay in Lawson Lucas 1999. For recent Italian criticism see Pezzini and Fabbri 2002 and the other pieces in that volume. The Pinocchio literature is explored further in the epilogue. 2. On Galton and eugenics, see Kevles 1985; for Lombroso see Gibson 2002; Pick 1989, 109–52; Villa 1985. 3. It is interesting to note how many works on childsaving and related issues focus on the period starting in 1870 or 1880; see, for example and in addition to the works cited here, Behlmer 1982; Davin 1996; Hendrick 1997; Murdoch 2000. 4. Modern economic growth is Kuznets’ term. All sources agree that Italy enjoyed impressive industrial growth after 1896, but estimates of how impressive vary considerably: from 5 to 8 % per annum, for example, for the period 1896–1908; see Toniolo 1990, 1–11, 98–123. 5. On foundlings, see Kertzer 1993, especially 174–8 and works cited there. On child labor, see Nardinelli 1990. 6. See Gentile 1997, especially 23–7, 91–103. On the modernization debate in relation to Italian historiography, including challenges to the traditional view of economic immobilism, see Davis 1994; for a more general discussion of modernization and history see Wehler 1991. Modernization often figures in discussions of Italian backwardness; indeed modernization might simply be described as the attempt to overcome backwardness (though such a descrip- tion admittedly simply shifts the burden of definition to another term). For discussions of Italian backwardness, political and economic, in the period between unification and World War I, see Bosworth 1979, 1–9; Gerschenkron 1962, 72–89; and for more general and sociocultural discussions, Gentile 1997, 37–46, 91–103; Tullio-Altan 1986, especially 11–96; On the Liberal urge to modernize, see Romanelli 1988, esp. 18–24 as well as Lanaro’s interesting study of bourgeois opinion (1979) where these sentiments emerge from time to time together with references to populationist thought. Meridionalisti were reform- ers especially concerned about the southern problem; Italietta translates more 208 NOTES or less as little Italy (in the sense of a small or insignificant power rather than an Italian settlement or neighborhood outside of Italy). 7. s.a.,“Cenni sulle moderne istituzioni per la tutela igienica della prima infanzia in Italia,” Rivista di Beneficenza Pubblica (1911): 418. 8. See, for example, Heywood 2001, 19–31. 9. For a brief discussion of child emigration statistics, see Di Bello and Nuti 2001, 9–11. 1 Abandoned Children 1. A portion of the material presented in this chapter has already appeared in Ipsen 1999; see also Ipsen 2000. On the Annunziata, see also D’Addosio 1883; Da Molin 1981; Da Molin 1994; Giordano 1999; Gorni 1974, 95–107; Guidi 1991; Iannitto 1999; Tapaninen 2004; Valenzi 1995, 16–18; White Mario 1897 and other sources cited below. 2. La Libertà May 22, 1897: 3. 3. Neapolitan papers consulted for the Annunziata scandal include Corriere di Napoli, Don Marzio, La Libertà, Il Mattino, Il Paese, and Roma, all consulted at the Biblioteca nazionale centrale di Roma ӶVittorio Emanuele IIӷ Subsequently reference would be made to the international attention the scan- dal received, but a look through The Times of London, The Manchester Guardian, and The New York Times for May 24–June 30, 1897 turned up no ref- erences, though several other Italian stories were covered. 4. A generalization of this sort of course overlooks significant regional differ- ences, both demographic and economic. Nonetheless, the national crude birth rate did begin to fall in the 1890s and Livi Bacci does identify the 1860s, 1870s, and 1880s (but not the 1890s) as characterized by a “predecline pattern of fer- tility.” For his much more nuanced analysis of Italian fertility decline see (1977), esp. 49–109. All sources agree that Italy enjoyed impressive industrial growth after 1896; see Toniolo 1990, 1–11, 98–123. 5. Foundling homes and other opere pie were generally under the control of provincial administrations (in some cases Catholic administrations). Attempts were made to specifically exclude clerical involvement in the opere pie and to eliminate the expenses of religious ceremonies celebrated there, though these attempts were generally unsuccessful. The existence of preunification endow- ments might also complicate the situation. See Cherubini 1991, esp. 7–20, 31–7, 76–94. 6. Since unification, Italy has been organized politically into regions, provinces, and comuni or municipalities. The head of the province is the prefect, appointed by the minister of the interior. The head of the comune is the sindaco or mayor, at this time chosen by a Municipal Council (Consiglio comunale), in turn elected by “popular” (still very limited) suffrage. In the current story, the main administra- tive actor is the province of Naples, ruling authority of the Annunziata. 7. Cavasola was appointed prefect in 1896 by Antonio di Rudinì; he later became a senator; see Scirocco 1974. NOTES 209 8. See, e.g., May 2, 1897. 9. May 21, 1897. 10. May 23, 1897; May 24, 1897. 11. The deliberazione from the GPA investigation is reprinted in Corriere di Napoli, May 23, 1897. In addition to that document and the Pucci investigation cited below, information on the Annunziata scandal is derived from documents col- lected as part of the Reale inchiesta di Napoli conducted by Giuseppe Saredo under the aegis of the Interior Ministry beginning in 1900 (ACS INT Inch. NA, bb. 94–5). 12. On the conservative or moderate liberal Il Mattino,see Storia di Napoli,v.10, 61; De Nunzio Schilardi 1986, 102. 13. May 23–24, 1897. 14. May 25–26, 1897. 15. Brancaccio in Galasso 1987, 152; Ghirelli 1977, 22–3; Musella 1990, 753–6. Il Paese, May 2, 1897 describes Roma as “il giornale dell’on. Lazzaro.”The Lazzaro letter was printed in Roma, May 24, 1897 and Don Marzio, May 24–25, 1897. 16. May 25, 1897; May 26, 1897. Parlati was elected to the Neapolitan Consiglio provinciale in 1889; and reelected in December 1891. 17. On the imperfect laicization of charitable works in Liberal Italy, see Cherubini 1991; Quine 2002, 36–95. 18. Valenzi describes the position of charitable works administrator in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Naples as the nexus of a system of clientelism and an obligatory step in a political career (1995, 8). See also Iannitto 1999, 78. 19. On local Neapolitan politics in the period, see Ghirelli 1977; Musella 1990; Scirocco 1972; Rubinacci is identified as a possible spy against the Neapolitan Chamber of Labor in Ghirelli 1994. White Mario gives Lazzaro’s starting date at the Annunziata (1978, 139, n. 5). 20. On the meeting and the Radical Geremicca’s intervention, see Corriere di Napoli, May 29, 1897; Il Paese, May 29, 1897; Il Mattino, May 29–30, 1897. 21. For Bovio’s interpellanza and responses, see Atti C. disc. May 24, 1897, 972–88. 22. On the resignation and the appointment and arrival of Pucci, see the Neapolitan press (n. 3 above) May 30–June 5, 1897. 23. On syphilis and abandonment, see Kertzer 1999. 24. Guidi describes these women as “operators” referring to Werner et al. 1973. 25. Corriere di Napoli, June 26, 1897. 26. See Pucci 1900, part II as well as Il Mattino June 29–30, 1897; Rivista di Beneficenza Pubblica (1897): 954–9; Titomanlio 1899, 10–12. 27. On the Pucci and Cellamare administrations see ACS INT Inch. NA, b. 94. 28. See Da Molin 1981 and 1994; Gorni 1974; Guarnieri 2004; Hunecke 1989; Kertzer 1993; Kertzer and White 1994; Quine 2002; Viazzo et al. 1994. Hunecke refers to a century of foundlings, roughly from the mid-eighteenth to the late- nineteenth century (15–22), but concedes that his cut-off date of 1900 is fairly arbitrary (38). Gorni specifically discusses the period 1861–1901, and her work represents a good discussion of foundling care after unification, but her ending date is mysterious. She also specifically discusses the Annunziata (95–107) and ends her work with a mention of the 1897 scandal. Kertzer 210 NOTES focuses on the period between the Council of Trent and about 1870, though in the penultimate chapter does refer to some of the later debates discussed here. Viazzo et al. exceptionally do carry their discussion up to the 1930s. Quine rep- resents a recent exception, focusing on both the Liberal and Fascist periods, though in an uneven work. Guarnieri instead looks specifically at the Florentine foundling home in our period, and so under the directorship of Gustavo Pucci. 29. Hunecke finds that abandonment peaked in Milan in the 1860s (1989, 287), and Kertzer traces steady increase for a number of places up to 1850 (1993, 73–5); while Gorni, using statistics published at the time, finds a 26% decline for Italy as a whole between 1884 and 1900 (1974, 44). As mentioned below, the parliamentary study found a decline of 16.5% during the period 1879–96 (Commissione brefotrofi 1900a, 16–19). For more on post-1860 levels of abandonment, see Ipsen 2000. At the time when the Annunziata finally closed in 1980, it received about 5 foundlings per year. 30. On fertility decline in Italy, see Livi Bacci 1977. On the spread of birth control in Italy, see Bonarini 1994. 31. For a brief discussion of these issues, see Kertzer 1993, 174–8. 32. For foundling care in France, see Fuchs 1984; Rollet-Echalier 1990 (62–71 for the 1860 investigation).