Vol. 6(4), pp. 78-83, August, 2014 DOI: 10.5897/JLCR2013.0179 Article Number: 1C519CE46713 Journal of Law and Conflict Resolution ISSN 2006-9804 Copyright © 2014 Author(s) retain the copyright of this article http://www.academicjournals.org/JLCR Full Length Research Paper Conflict as a propelling instrument of change and continuity: The Ilorin example Omoiya S. Y. Department of History and International Studies, University of Ilorin, Ilorin, Nigeria. Received 31 December 2013; Accepted 5 August, 2014 As philosopher says that change is the permanent phenomenon in life, so, conflict has been identified as the propelling agent. It thus explains why these natural phenomena have been employed to discuss the historical experience in a part of Africa. Ilorin is one of the capitals of states (Kwara State) in Nigeria. It is located on latitude 80-30 north and longitude 40-35 east. As frontier to both the Caliphate, the political structure briquetted on most of the northern states of Nigeria after the success of the 19 Century Jihad, led by Shehu Uthman Danfodio and the Yoruba speaking peoples of the south west, Ilorin history have been identified by scholars of both regions as necessary knowledge to illuminate the gray areas in their respective studies. Even though much are yet to be explored from its wide historical roles, this effort is one of such discussions to illustrate the impact of conflict in its being and changes that have been registered in its past. The study will be approached from the historical perspectives by appraising the sequence of changes witnessed in the area premised on conflict. Key words: Conflict, change. INTRODUCTION The proclamation of Ilorin as an emirate by the Abdul- of the emirate council and awarding each of them the title Salami and Shitta, both whom were children of Shehu of a Balogun (Banmole, 1980). The adoption of the title of Alimi, the Fulani cleric invited to Ilorin by Aare Afonja to Balogun for the linguistic leaders of the diverse linguistic provide him spiritual support, to sustain Ilorin as an groups in Ilorin was indeed a diplomatic concession to independent state from Oyo Empire, could be taken for a ensure the full support of the local population in Ilorin declaration of war on the entire Yoruba people, because (Omoiya, 1988). Added to this was the subtle manner the Ilorin became an entity and known in history as a Ilorin population was mobilized to prepare for war to province of the old Oyo Empire. Indeed, AbdulSalami and defend the emirate system which they were originally not Shitta seemed to appreciate the complexity of both the involved in its formation (Omoiya, 1988). environment and their personal limitations by adopting an all inclusive administrative system to meet the challenges. At the internal level, the newly proclaimed leaders of Transformation of Ilorin to an emirate Ilorin as an emirate, sought the support and co-operation of leaders of the three main linguistic groups of Hausa, The suzerainty of the old Oyo Empire on Ilorin, from the Fulani and the Yoruba in Ilorin, by making them members 17 century was directly influenced by Alaafin Ojigi’s E-mail: [email protected]. Author agree that this article remain permanently open access under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License 4.0 International License Omoiya 79 interest to save the Igbomina Yoruba area that had been confusing situation (Alesinloye, 1985). On the part of turned slave reservoirs by the Nupes. He established the Shehu Alimi, he concentrated on his cleric duties by first administrative structure to coordinate the scattered leading a group of Muslims in daily prayers (Alesinloye, settlements later known as Ilorin.(I.Mustain,1977). The 1985). The death of Shehu Alimi in about 1817, five years first of the Oyo Ajele (Resident) to be appointed was after Aare Afonja’s death, was a turning point in the Laderin (Johnson, 1976). His son, Pasin, was also history of Ilorin. It opened a new course of events that succeeded by his own son Alugbin, the father of Aare culminated into the emergence of a new political structure Afonja (Johnson, 176). The personal animosity between in the area. Aare Afonja and Alaafin Aole degenerated to show off Shehu Alimi, as a committed Islamic cleric, whose major strength between the two leading figures in the duty was leading congregation in prayers as the Imam, administration of Oyo Empire. This culminated into the certainly had no other position that could be inherited by summary termination of Alaafin Aole and declaration of his children. As an Imam, which is a religious position, independence for Ilorin. was indeed not necessarily to be inherited by the family Aare Afonja’s effort to consolidate his power and of the immediate past Imam. Any Muslim could actually position as the supreme authority in Ilorin dictated two vie for the position (Danmole, 1980). This situation major actions that eventually played key roles in the explains why the contest for the position of the Imam held historical changes witnessed in Ilorin. One of such by Shehu Alimi in Ilorin, was contested for by actions of the Aare was his contact with Shehu Alimi AbdulSalami, Shehu Alimi’s first son, and Bako from through his friend Sholagberu (Danmole, 1980). The Serikin Gambari’s family. The support given to second was the Aare’s decision to recruit slaves who ran AbdulSalami by personalities such as Sholagberu and to Ilorin from their masters in Oyo town, after Ilorin had other prominent Yoruba group leaders close to Shehu been declared independent of Oyo, into his army (Atanda, Alimi, made AbdulSalami to be victorious over Bako 1973). The first of the Aare’s steps was to seek spiritual (Danmole, 1980). support for his new position and status. He therefore As the Imam of the mosque where the slave soldiers persuaded Shehu Alimi to migrate into Ilorin town from often congregate to perform their daily prayers, Kuwo (a suburb of Ilorin) where he had then settled, after AbdulSalam and Shitta, his younger brother, were fast at his Islamic evangelical mission to parts of Yoruba land, establishing close relations with them (Alesinloye, 1985). such as Oshogbo and even Oyo Ile (Danmole, 1980). It It was by these relations that the slave soldiers were was for Aare’s persuasion that Shehu Alimi eventually turned to be used to attack those that were accused of migrated to Ilorin town (Danmole, 1980). being unfriendly to AbdulSalami’s leadership in the On the recruitment of the slaves who ran to Ilorin as mosque. They intimidate those considered to be sanctuary, the Aare saw their presence in Ilorin as an influential within Ilorin community and could checkmate advantage to have soldiers who do not have any relations their political ambition. They attack settlements such as with the local environment. Therefore, the question of Okesuna, which on its own was an entity. The successful betrayer would be out of the way, given the circum- use of the slave soldiers by AbdulSalami and Shitta to stances of his declaration of independence for Ilorin from terminate all form of oppositions to the realization of their Oyo. Aare’s confidence and high regards for the slave political ambition in Ilorin, actually paved the way for the soldiers soon result to its abuse. The slave soldiers saw declaration of Ilorin as an emirate in about 1823 themselves as an important element to the survival of (Alesinloye, 1985). Ilorin as an independent entity. Therefore, they resorted to committing atrocities and rapacity that Fagboun, the left wing commander of the Aare’s army had to call Changes in Ilorin, consequent on conflict Aare’s attention to the implications of the excesses of the slave soldiers, who were commonly referred to as Aare’s The use of the slave soldiers by AbdulSalami and Shitta servants (Johnson, 1976). Aare Afonja’s efforts to could certainly not continue after Ilorin had been pro- restructure the army with the aim of preventing further claimed an emirate and without any internal resurrection. damage by the slave soldiers for their rapacity mobilized Indeed the killing of prominent individuals such as the slave soldiers to organize a mutiny, which eventually Sholagberu and other Muslim clerics and the massacre of resulted in Aare Afonja’s death. the entire settlement of Okesunna, had intimidated indi- The death of Aare Afonja in about 1813 naturally vidual or group to face the Jamma (group). The names created vacuum in the political leadership of Ilorin adopted by the slave soldiers were mostly Hausa (Johnson, 1976). Given the fact that his slave-recruited (Alesinloye, 1985). soldiers killed him, and publicly burnt his corps, and there The new political leader in Ilorin, AbdulSalami who had was no ready counter force to evolve a new political conferred on himself the title of an Emir, with his brother leader, Ilorin had to remain in a state of interregnum for Shitta, had to adopt diplomatic means to make some time. The Baba Isale, Agboin, was then very sick themselves accepted by the local population. Apart from and could not mobilize a counter force to arrest the the fact that they were both aware that Ilorin is a Yoruba 80 J. Law Conflict. Resolut. land, its historical relations as part of the old Oyo Empire, of the army. Both the besiegers and the besieged soon must have been considered a bigger problem for them to resorted to living on locust fruit (Igba). Hence the war handle alone. Hence, they identified the leaders of the took its title Mugba Mugba (Johnson, 1976). major linguistic groups of the Hausa, Fulani and Yoruba Once again, the allied forces of the Yoruba were to be co-opted as members of the emirate council and at defeated.