CIVIL SOCIETY AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS IN AN ETHNICALLY DIVIDED SOCIETY: THE CASE OF MALAYSIA, 1981-2001 BY GRAHAM K. BROWN, MA THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE UNIVERSITY OF NOTTINGHAM FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY, OCTOBER 2004 2/ýFRSITY ! 16PPQ, TABLE OF CONTENTS List Figures Tables ii of and ............................................................................................. Abstract iii ............................................................................................................................ Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................v vi Abbreviations.................................................................................................................. 1: Introduction 1 ................................................................................................................... 2: Theoretical Framework -Towards a synthesisof civil society and in divided 10 social movements ethnically societies................................................. 3: Approaches Malaysian Politics 63 to ........................................................................ 4: Historical and Political Context - Civil society and social before 1980 90 movements .......................................................................................... 5: Civil Society Ascendant- The 1981-1987 118 politics of protest, ....................... 6: Crisis Response I- State 1987-1990 160 and and social mobilisation, ............... 7: State Ascendant State 1990-1998 209 - and civil society, ....................................... 8: Crisis Response II The dynamics 1998-2001 247 and - of nfonnasr, ................... 9: Conclusions 306 ............................................................................................................... Sources References 323 and ............................................................................................ i LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES TABLES 1.1: Parliamentary 1982-1999 4 election results, .................................................................. 4.1: Ethnic distribution Malaysia, 1964 2000 92 of and ...................................................... 6.1: Proportionate breakdown of seats won at federal and state levels, 1982,1986 1990 206 and .............................................................................................. 6.2: 1990 election results in Malay-minority seats with BN split vote in 1986 206 victory ........................................................................................................ 7.1:Bumiputera proportion of workforce by occupational category, 1970,1980 1990 212 and .............................................................................................. 7.2:Mean household income by 1970 1990 212 ethnic group, and ................................ 7.3:Employment by 1970,1980 1991 212 status ethnic group, and ............................... 7.4:Ownership (%), 1970 1990 213 of sharecapital and .................................................. FIGURES 1.1: Alliance/BN share of vote and share of seats won in federal 1959-1999 4 elections, .................................................................................................... 2.1: Burawoy's SociologicalMarxism 25 map of ................................................................. 2.2:Schematic diagram of state-societyrelations ...................................... 4.1: Workdays lost 1946-1980 111 to strikes, ....................................................................... 5.1: Reported incidence by 1980-1989 119 of collective protest quarter, ...................... 5.2: Incidence Islam-oriented by half 1981-1988 146 of protests year, .......................... 5.3: Official 1980-1989 152 strike activity, ........................................................................... 5.4: Reported labour protests and unofficial strikes by quarter, 1981-1989 152 ................................................................................................................ 6.1: Proportion of vote won by BN in West Malaysian constituencies by Malayvoters, 1986 1990 205 proportion of and ...................................................... 8.1: Reported reformasi protest participation and incidence by quarter, 1998 Q2 2001 Q4 262 - ............................................................................................... 8.2: BN share of vote by ethnic composition in West Malaysian 1986,1990,1995 1999 289 parliamentary seats, and ............................................... 8.3: Proportion of vote won by BN in West Malaysian constituencies by Malayvoters, 1990 1999 290 proportion of and ...................................................... ll ABSTRACT This thesis examines the relationship between civil society, social movements and the state in ethnically-divided countries, using the case study of Malaysia. The argument begins with the observation that the respective literatures on civil society and social movements occupy a broadly congruent paradigm, but the relationship between the two is poorly theorised. Through a critical discussion of existing approaches,a synthesis of civil society and social movements theory is produced, which argues for a dualistic interpretation that emphasises both institutional linkages and cultural and discursive relationships. It is further argued that this latter aspect is of particular importance in ethnically-divided countries, as cultural differences between groups may hamper the effective mobilisation of movements. Thus may exist a form of `slippage' between civil society and movement mobilisation, unidentified in much of the literature that tends to view the two as dynamically homogenous. The empirical section of the thesis utilises this model to examine the trajectories of civil society and social movements in Malaysia,focussing on the two decadesfrom is 1981 to 2001. It argued that the first half of the 1980s saw the expansion of a broadly middle class-led, multiethnic civil society but that successful movement mobilisation nonetheless remained rooted in ethnic concerns. Nonetheless, the decadesaw in increasingchallenge to the regime's hegemonic position. As internal relations within the government coalition fractured during the middle years of the decade, factions parties and within the regime lurched to more ethnicist positions, contributing to an increasing spiral of ethnic `outbidding' and social mobilisation. In October 1987, this was brought to an end by a widespread crackdown that brought social mobilisation to an abrupt halt. Combined with the continuing elite 111 fracture, this effectively re-channelled the increased protest of the period into the political sphere, where a broad opposition coalition was formed to contest the 1990 elections. With the democratic system long since undermined, however, the government won and even maintained its two-third majority. In the late 1990s, the dynamics of state, civil society and social movement were again clearly visible following the dismissal of Anwar Ibrahim as deputy prime it minister and the mass protest refornarr movement unleashed. The reformasi movement attempted to cultivate new modes of mobilisation, such as the Internet, heavily appropriate to its multiethnic aspirations, but also relied on the existing bias mobilisational networks of the Islamic movement. This mobilisational was reflected in the degree of electoral support for the movement's political demise manifestation in the 1999 generalelections and contributed to the quick of the electoral coalition it provoked. The slippage between a multiethnic civil society and the ethnic basesof movement mobilisation in Malaysia has thus hampered the emergenceof effective opposition to the regime. iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS My first and greatest intellectual debt is owed to all those involved in the supervision of this project: Prof Richard Aldrich, Dr Eva-Lotta Redman and Dr Caroline Hughes. The differing intellectual tradition bestowed me by thesevarious mentors was a challenging but ultimately enriching experience. In the field, many of my most effusive thanks are due to those who cannot be named, but amongst those who can, it is a pleasure to acknowledge the assistance, advice and criticisms of Francis Loh, Johan Saravanamuttu,Khoo Boo Teik and Cheah Boon Kheng at Universiti Sains Malaysia. First in Nottingham, then in Sabah and Penang, the brothers Marshall have variously offered insight, contacts, discussion and friendship. Their unceasingdedication to one of Malaysia'snational causes has finally induced me to admit, in print, that Manchester United might possibly be the best football team in the world. The protracted writing up of this thesis benefited enormously from its overlap with my employment at the Centre for Research on Inequality, Human Security and (CRISE) Ethnicity at Queen Elizabeth House, University of Oxford, which provided me with new intellectual challengesto hone my ideas. Thanks are therefore due to the entire CRISEteam, and especiallyto its Director, Prof. Frances Stewart, for her tolerance of the unexpectedlylong time it took me to finish up. This thesisis dedicatedto my wife Regina,without whom none of this would have happened,and my son Nick, who, by arriving half way through, did his best to ensureit didn't. V ABBREVIATIONS ABIM Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia, or Islamic Youth Movement of Malaysia ACA Anti-Corruption Agency ADIL Pergerakan Keadilan Sosial, or Social