asdf Special Political and Decolonization Committee Chair: Vishan Nigam SPECPOL PMUNC 2016 Contents Letter from the Chair…….………………………...……………………...…..3 Committee Description……………………………………………………….4 Topic A:…………………..…..………………….....……………..……..……6 Introduction…..………………………………….……………………….……………6 History of the Topic………………………..……………………….……….…………7 Current Status…………………………………….……………..…………...……...…10 Country Policy…...…………………………………………….……………………...17 Keywords……………………………………....………………...…………….…..….20 Questions for Consideration………..…………….………………...…….……….…...21 Topic B:…………………………....…………………..…………………….23 Introduction……..………………………...……………………………………..……23 History of the Topic.………………………….………………..………………...……24 Current Status………………………………………………………………………....28 Country Policy.….…………………...……………...…..……………………………..36 Keywords………………………………………………………………………….......39 Questions for Consideration...........…………….……………………..………………..41 2 SPECPOL PMUNC 2016 Letter from the Chair Dear delegates, Welcome to PMUNC! My name is Vishan Nigam and I will be your chair for SPECPOL this year. A little bit about myself—I am a junior from nearby Princeton Junction, New Jersey majoring in Economics with certificates (minors) in both Spanish Language and Culture, and Statistics and Machine Learning. I’m the current Vice President of Princeton’s International Relations Council, so I’m involved in planning PMUNC, PICSim (our college conference), and our collegiate travel team. This will be my sixth PMUNC, after competing thrice as a delegate and staffing the last two years, and I’m looking forward to making it the best one yet! Outside of MUN, I am involved in a high school mentoring program called Latino Link, and enjoy playing tennis and watching Premier League soccer in my free time (COYG!). I’m looking forward to chairing our discussions on both the Kashmir conflict and the Arctic. Both topics touch on many different international issues that the UN is actively concerned with, so I urge you to draw on policies from other parts of the world as you write your own resolutions. The Kashmir conflict is a classic example of a border dispute caused by decolonization, but is complicated by many factors. India, Pakistan and China are all nuclear states, so the implications of any escalation in the conflict are certainly global. The threat of Islamic terrorism also exists in the region, due to both ISIS/Al-Qaeda and smaller groups that focus on the Kashmir issue. As a wave of shocking attacks spread across the region (I write this in the aftermath of the Istanbul Airport and Bangladesh café attacks), it is certainly possible that a similar attack in Kashmir could cause regional tensions to escalate. The Arctic is a similarly intriguing topic for discussion. In terms of border disputes it is slightly unconventional, since countries are claiming economic rights over what is technically open ocean. You will be tasked with mediating these conflicts and with addressing several related issues. First, there are scientific implications for Arctic exploration—should countries engaging in Arctic drilling or shipping be required to devote resources to fighting climate change? In general, do we threaten our planet by divvying up the Arctic? Second, questions emerge regarding global manufacturing—is the Northwest Passage a viable shipping path? Should the movement of ships through it be regulated by international groups or by certain member states? Remember that MUN is about having innovative, reasonable policy ideas and presenting them well, so in preparation for the conference I encourage you to work on both your research and your speaking. Lastly, whether this is your first conference or your last, do not hesitate to reach out with any questions. I look forward to meeting you all in November! Cheers, Vishan 3 SPECPOL PMUNC 2016 Committee Description The United Nations Fourth Committee, otherwise known as the Special Political and Decolonization Committee, was initially formed to deal specifically with decolonization. At first, it dealt with the affairs of territories that were placed under UN trusteeship, that is, under the control of the UN until these territories became independent states. It later took on some of the duties of the Disarmament and International Security Committee (DISEC), allowing DISEC to focus on military issues such as nuclear non-proliferation. As a result, SPECPOL now concerns itself with many international political issues, particularly those resulting from a territorial dispute or a former colonized power. In recent years SPECPOL has focused on questions of autonomy and independence for areas including Palestine, Western Sahara, the Falkland Islands, and several European colonies in the Caribbean and Oceania. It also has discussed related refugee issues (particularly with respect to Israel/Palestine), mine action (for instance in Vietnam), outer space, and the safety implications of nuclear tests. As you can see, SPECPOL’s purview is quite broad. For our purposes, it is sufficient to note that SPECPOL is part of the UN General Assembly, and therefore that it is solely a body for discussion; it issues recommendations but has no binding power. In exploring our topics, I encourage you to focus more on the many ways in which the UN, other international bodies, member states, and the private sector have engaged actively with these issues. This will provide a solid foundation for your research, allowing you to propose solutions that demonstrate both innovative thinking and an understanding of current policy. It is perfectly within SPECPOL’s purview to recommend these policies to other actors, even if we do not have the resources or the jurisdiction to implement them directly. 4 SPECPOL PMUNC 2016 One last thing to note, especially for new delegates, is that the term national sovereignty will come up many times in debate. National sovereignty implies that individual countries possess ultimate decision-making power in the international community. So for instance, if the UN wants to do anything from distribute leaflets to supervise nuclear weapons facilities in a country, that country must consent to it. This is why SPECPOL can solely recommend solutions—even if the committee votes to approve a certain resolution, the document is meaningless unless member states allows the policy to be implemented within their borders. 5 SPECPOL PMUNC 2016 Topic A: Arctic Conflict Introduction In some ways, the issue of Arctic exploration is intriguing exactly because it was for a long time considered something of a non-issue by the international community. Despite the ambiguity of national borders in the region, Russian and United States military presences, and continued deterioration due to climate change, the Arctic has largely remained an example of continued international cooperation. This is in part because there is no appealing alternative—a “cold war” (no pun intended) in the Arctic would impose large monetary and personnel cost on all parties involved. In any case, through the application of existing international treaties and the establishment of permanent forums like the Arctic Council, the eight Arctic nations—the United States, Canada, Iceland, Norway, Sweden, Finland, Denmark, and Russia—have so far avoided direct conflict. However, due to several global trends, this equilibrium becomes more uncertain by the day. As the Council on Foreign Relations puts it, “in the twenty-first century… climate change, technological advances, and rising global demand for resources may at last unlock the considerable economic potential of the Circumpolar North.”1 In other words, the valuable oil, natural gas, and minerals that lie below the ice, and the shipping routes above it, are now more valuable and more accessible than ever before. SPECPOL will be tasked with creating a framework that facilitates safe and fair access to these resources. The stakes are high—without proper consensus, the Arctic threatens to descend into a high-speed, cold-weather version of the imperialist “Scramble for 1 Council on Foreign Relations. "The Emerging Arctic." Council on Foreign Relations. Last modified 2014. Accessed September 1, 2016. http://www.cfr.org/arctic. 6 SPECPOL PMUNC 2016 Africa”. Cooperation cannot be guaranteed, as countries are less likely to cooperate on matters of territory and economic resources than on relatively uncontroversial scientific and environmental policy. In addition, delegates will also discuss related issues, such as whether there should be environmental regulations placed on ships and oil rigs in the arctic; and how the rights of indigenous peoples should be recognized within the context of any agreement. History The history of Arctic exploration begins in 325 BCE with a Greek sailor Pytheas, who is believed to be the first person to have crossed the Arctic Circle.2 Permanent settlement, however, did not take place until the Middle Ages, when the Vikings colonized Iceland (which, contrary to its name, was actually quite fertile) and later established a settlement under the infamous Erik the Red in Greenland (which ironically was covered in ice). 3At the same time, it should be noted that Russian settlers were making efforts to explore the Arctic. In the 1500s, Russian monks established settlements on the hostile Kola Peninsula near Scandinavia, and from there began to explore sea routes to the east. It should be noted that these early settlements were either for agricultural or religious purposes—the only people with an interest in Arctic affairs were those who actually lived