Kafkasya Calışmaları - Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi / Journal of Caucasian Studies (JOCAS) Eylül / September 2017, Yıl / Vol. 3, № 5 ISSN 2149–9527 E-ISSN 2149–9101 Great Expectations: Studying My Own Community Setenay Nil Doğan* “So you say, you would marry anyone, no matter whoever it is?”1 Abstract The literature on methodology in social sciences underlines advantages for the insider researcher in addition to more subtle problems and pitfalls in terms of the relationship between the researcher and the researched. This paper aims to explore my experiences as the insider researcher studying Circassians in Turkey, my own community and discuss their implications for researching Circassians in particular and ethnic groups in general. As the insider researcher position provided “great expectations” on the side of the researched and hence some critical advantages in the field for the researcher, the dual categories of insider and outsider are in reality rather fluid and contested. This article is an attempt to explore space in between: the negotiations, complexities and fluidities of positionality in the field and hence in the processes of academic knowledge production. Keywords: Methodology, insider research, positionality, Circassians Büyük Beklentiler: Kendi Etnik Grubunu Çalışmak Özet Sosyal bilimlerde araştırmacının ‘içeriden’, araştırılan grubun bir üyesi olması, araştırmacı ve araştırılan arasındaki ilişki ve mesafe açısından çıkabilecek sorunların dışında, araştırmacı için genelde avantajlı bir konum olarak kabul edilmektedir. Bu makale benim ‘içeriden’ bir araştırmacı olarak Türkiye’deki Çerkesleri çalışma deneyimlerimi ve bu deneyimlerin dar anlamda Çerkesleri, geniş anlamda ise etnik grupları çalışma açısından * Setenay Nil Doğan, Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, Yıldız Technical University, Istanbul, e-mail: [email protected] (Makale gönderim tarihi: 11.09.2017, makale kabul tarihi 12.10.2017). 1 In Turkish, “Ha kim olsa evlenirim diyorsun, öyle mi?” Interview by author, 23 March 2007, İstanbul. 63 Setenay Nil Doğan sonuçlarını tartışmayı hedeflemektedir. İçeriden araştırma yapma pozisyonu, araştırılanlar açısından “büyük beklentiler” ile karşılansa ve araştırmacı açısından da önemli avantajlar sağlasa da, ‘içeriden’ veya ‘dışarıdan olmak’ verili pozisyonlar değildir, araştırmacının akışkan olarak dahil olduğu veya dışlandığı, müzakere edilen ve mücadeleli alanlardır. Bu makale içeri ile dışarı arasındaki alana, sahada ve dolayısıyla da akademik üretim süreçlerinde konumsallığın getirdiği müzakerelere, karmaşıklıklara ve akışkanlıklara bakmayı hedeflemektedir. Anahtar kelimeler: Metodoloji, içeriden araştırma, konumsallık, Çerkesler Introduction “My father did not hear Circassian songs in public. Of course he listened on radio and cassettes. We used to listen to the Jordanian radio those days, on Saturday evening at four o’clock. …But apart from that he could not hear them in public space. When Doğan’s cassette2 [the first Circassian music artifact that has been produced for the national market] had been first on the market, I heard it on the street playing from a music store. There was no such thing. I felt… [She cries] I could not just stand there, I could not leave. It is not proper to cry in the middle of the street. It was just playing there as loud as it could be... It was dreadfully beautiful. He [my father] could not see these. I feel sorry for that.”3 In May 2007, during the interview with Nisa, aged 58, a professional worker of a Circassian organization in İstanbul, as she shed some tears talking about her first encounter with the Circassian music in public space and related that to the memory of her father, I 2 Nisa refers to Kusha Doğan’s Circassian Folk Songs: Wered (1 Çerkes Halk Şarkıları: Wered 1) by Kusha Doğan (2000) which is the second Circassian music cassette, as the first one was Circassian Melodies (Çerkes Ezgileri) by Azmi Toğuzata (1995). The increasing cultural production of the Circassians in the 1990s went hand in hand with the post-Soviet conjuncture, processes of globalization and diasporization. For the processes and mechanisms of diasporization for Circassians in Turkey in the 1990s, see Doğan (2015). 3 Nisa, interview by author, 18 May 2007, İstanbul. In order to maintain confidentiality and anonymity, within the text, pseudo-names are used. 64 Great Expectations: Studying My Own Community also found myself with a couple of unexpected tears in my eyes. Knowing the street corner, the music store and the cassette that she was referring to, having experienced a similar encounter in one of the neighborhoods of İstanbul, having activists in my family just like her father, I couldn’t help but (over)empathize with Nisa. Yet rather than asking ‘the political science’ questions on nation-states, diasporas and nationalisms, I spent some time there crying and sharing handkerchiefs with my interviewee. As my initial reaction as the researcher after the interview was mostly confusion and desperation, I was later encouraged by an anthropologist in my dissertation committee to reflect on this occasion and critically engage with my Circassian identity and its relationship with the research. Hence I was invited to self-reflexivity to go beyond my comfort zone as a researcher (Hamdan 378), a strategy that many feminist ethnographers have encouraged others to incorporate into the investigative process (Oakley qtd. Bucerius, 706). A young single Circassian woman at the age of 27, I was born and raised in İstanbul. As the daughter of two Circassians (Kabardians) who migrated from Kayseri, Uzunyayla, a Central Anatolian hub for Circassians to İstanbul in the 1970s and socialized and organized in the Circassian organizations, these organizations and Circassian activists in İstanbul have always been very familiar to me and vice versa. Furthermore, between the years 2002 and 2004, I participated in the youth committee of a Circassian organization. Since then, I had distanced myself from activism and studied the Circassians academically. This paper revised, revisited and rewritten eight years after the dissertation was completed, is an attempt to explore my experiences as the insider researcher in terms of studying Circassians, my own community and discuss their implications for researching Circassians in particular and ethnic groups in general. After briefly exploring the methodological debates on conducting insider research and explaining the research design of my dissertation, I will explore my experiences as an insider researcher. As the insider researcher position provided me some advantages in the field, it did not guarantee a fixed power relationship as the interviews on which this 65 Setenay Nil Doğan study is based took place within a series of negotiations between the researcher and the informants in terms of age, gender, class. This article aims to explore these negotiations in line with my complex and fluid role as the insider researcher studying Circassians, an academically underresearched ethnic group in Turkey. Researching One’s Own Community Several accounts of social scientists, especially anthropologists who “go native” or “play the native card” explore the implications and complexities of the insider position for the social science research (Abu-Loghodi, Rosaldo, Kondo, Narayan). Researchers cite a variety of interrelated advantages to insiderness, which Labaree (103) has categorized into four broad values: the value of shared experiences; the value of greater access; the value of cultural interpretation; and the value of deeper understanding and clarity of thought for the researcher. Hence the studies on insider research underline advantages for the insider in terms of not only access and rapport but also in terms of the ability to understand the group and its culture. Chavez (qtd. in Greene 5) notes that unlike traditional training for outsider researchers that starts with “getting to know the field,” insider researchers need to start by getting into their own heads; recognizing the ways in which they are like and unlike their participants; knowing which of their social identities may advantage and/or complicate the process. Furthermore, insider research may be more fruitful since some communities, such as diasporic communities, having already experienced the trauma of forced migration, must see the academic researcher as one they can trust and who is invested in their long-term wellbeing (Collet 2008). Alternatively, Lewis underlines that insider position may be advantageous for the researcher when the community considers researcher a threat of exposure and judgment: “There is a growing fear that the information collected by an outsider, someone not constrained by group values and interests, will expose the group to outside manipulation and control… The insider, on the other hand, is accountable; s/he must remain in the community and take responsibility for her/his actions. Thus, s/he is forced through self-interest to exercise discretion.” (Lewis qtd. in Altorki 57). 66 Great Expectations: Studying My Own Community Despite the existence of different levels of insiderness, lack of detachment from the field and the problem of role confusion as a result of dual roles (Asselin qtd. in Dwyer and Buckle) are among the clear disadvantages of the insider research. Given these risks, some researchers propose that achieving status as an outsider trusted with “inside knowledge” may provide the social scientist with a different perspective and different data than that potentially