The Effect of the Incentivized Gradual Retirement Plans on Municipalities’ Employment Rate

The Effect of the Incentivized Gradual Retirement Plans on Municipalities’ Employment Rate

The effect of the Incentivized Gradual Retirement Plans on municipalities’ employment rate JEL code: J26, J45 A.T.G.J. Rutten M.G. Knoef D.J. Van Vuuren We investigate the effect of incentivized gradual retirement plans (GRPs) on the retirement behavior of older civil servants and the employment levels of younger civil servants at municipalities. The GRP wants to establish that older workers remain employed up to the pension eligibility age, by offering older-employees a reduction in working hours with only a limited decrease in net earnings and little to no reduction in pension accrual. Municipalities use this freed-up capacity by hiring younger employees. Using variation in the availability of GRPs between Dutch municipalities, we use a differences-in-differences design to test whether GRPs succeeded in achieving its goals. We find that this is not the case. More precisely, we find that the adoption of a GRP has a minor significant effect (close to zero) on the exit age of older civil servants. We as well find that GRPs do not increase the hiring rate of young civil servants in the age group 18-30. 1 I Introduction Most western countries are confronted with an increasing life expectancy and a decreasing fertility rate. Because of these developments, most countries implemented numerous reforms to increase the labor force participation rates among older workers (OECD, 2011). However, the implementation of these reforms raised questions about whether older workers can work longer. Therefore, different countries proposed different solutions. For instance, Austria implemented an early retirement pension option for workers in heavy occupations. In the Netherlands, several sectors chose to implement an incentivized gradual retirement plan1 (hereafter referred to as GRP). GRPs have been introduced in multiple sectors in the Netherlands such as construction, education, and various governmental organizations via a collective labor agreement. The first goal of a GRP is to help older workers to reach the first pillar pension eligibility age healthily. This became especially important as the first pillar pension eligibility age has been increasing as of 2013 and substitution pathways into early retirement have been reduced during the last two decades (de Vos, Kapteyn, & Kalwij, 2018). From an employer perspective, there are as well several reasons to introduce a GRP. A GRP can help to keep older workers healthy and motivated (Veth & van Vuuren, 2020). A GRP tries to achieve these goals by giving older employees a strong reduction in working hours, a small reduction in salary, and little to no reduction in pension accrual. For example, the most often offered GRP plan in our data gives older workers the possibility to work 60% of their initial working hours while getting 80% paid and no discount on pension accrual. In other words, a GRP aims at creating an attractive package for older workers to reduce their labor supply. The second goal of the GRPs focuses on the reduction of youth unemployment. As older workers reduce their labor supply, it could potentially create vacancies for younger workers. This could help in reducing youth unemployment in particular regions of the Netherlands. Therefore, the GRP is as well an effective tool to create a good mix between young and old workers. For local government institutions (i.e. municipalities), there are two other reasons to implement a GRP. First, municipalities should integrate workers with a distance from the labor market. Labor market discrimination can as well be a reason to implement a GRP as it can provide additional opportunities for the disadvantaged group(s). As a consequence, when a government institution implements a GRP it can as well be used to reach these goals. Focusing on the first goal, a previous study found that the labor force participation of older workers is partially determined by their skill composition (Goldin & Katz, 2007) and financial incentives. Van Soest & Vonkova (2014) find that workers react strongly to penalties for retire earlier or rewards for 1 The Dutch name for those plans is “Generatiepact”. 2 retiring later. Euwals, Van Vuuren & Wolthoff (2010) find that the individuals are more sensitive to the price of leisure than to changes in the individual’s pension wealth, indicating that the opportunity cost of not working is important in the retirement decision. Lastly, the health of individuals (Weir, 2007) and social norms regarding labor force participation (Euwals, Knoef, & van Vuuren, 2011) plays as well an important role in labor force participation at higher ages. Regarding the second goal, previous studies analyzed the substitutability of younger and older workers. They found that in the long-run these two groups are not substitutes when observing macro-economic data (Gruber & Wise, 2010). This means that youth and elderly unemployment tend to move in the same direction rather than the opposite, hinting at skill complementarity between those two groups (Kalwij, Kapteyn, & De Vos, 2010). Figure 1 below shows that in the long-run macro level this seems to hold for the Netherlands. Figure 1 Net labor force participation of old workers and unemployment level of young workers In the short run, however, younger and older workers could be substitutable. Vestad (2013) analyzes how an early retirement program for older Norwegian workers affects youth labor force participation. He finds that the substitution between younger and older workers is almost one-to- one. In a similar vein, Boeri, Garibaldi, & Moen (2016) find that employers with a high number of senior workers were less likely to hire younger workers as a consequence of the increase in the retirement age. 3 By making use of monthly Dutch administrative data for the period 2013-2018, we test whether a GRP in the Netherlands affected the labor supply of older workers and increased the number of younger workers of civil servants working at municipalities. We focus on municipalities with more than 100,000 citizens2. As of January 2014, nineteen municipalities (out of 32 with more than 100,000 citizens) adopted a GRP. Our rich administrative dataset provides us with monthly data on income and hours worked as well as a large number of socio-economic characteristics including birth year3 and gender. This makes it possible for us to exactly pinpoint the effects a GRP ought to achieve. Using the municipalities that did not adopt a GRP as the control group, we make use of a differences- in-differences framework to establish the causal effects of GRPs. We observe that there is a common trend when comparing youth unemployment4 and (young) families on social assistance programs, indicating that political reasons likely did not play a role in the adoption of a GRP. Regarding the employment of older civil servants, we first test whether older workers remain longer employed in municipalities after they become eligible for a GRP. More precisely, we construct a variable that indicates whether an old civil servant employed at time 푡 will as well be employed by the same municipality at time 푡 + 1. Using this variable, we estimate the exit-age of older individuals as a function of time dummies, municipality fixed effects, their interaction term, and several control variables. To determine whether older civil servants enroll in a GRP, we estimate the labor supply of older civil servants. We use the same regression as explained above and only change our dependent variable into both the part-time factor as well as the number of hours worked. More precisely,. If this is not the case, we assume that the individual retires5. We find that the adoption of a GRP has a positive and significant effect on the employment duration of older civil servants. However, this result is very close to zero. Therefore, the introduction of GRPs did not result in a significant higher exit-age age for older civil servants, making it hard to conclude that the GRPs succeed in achieving its first goal. Equally important, we find evidence that older workers do enroll in GRPs. Analyzing the labor supply of older civil servants, we find that the 2 We focus on municipalities with more than 100,000 citizens as smaller municipalities may have other reasons for not participating in a GRP (see (Niemeijer, 2017). 3 We select for older workers, individuals that were born after 1950. Individuals born before 1950 were still eligible for the FPU-arrangement, which was an attractive early retirement arrangement for older civil servants. 4 For the youth unemployment between the age group 15-25, we find that this is higher in the treatment group. However, this effect is driven by the four largest municipalities. Moreover, there is compulsory education (in Dutch: leerplicht) as long as a student is younger than 18. This is another reason why we are cautious to interpret the unemployment rate in this age group. 5 We only observe the last month at which workers are employed by the municipality. 4 treatment group decreases their labor supply with on average 5.1 hours a month. We as well find that this decease in labor supply is only present in the middle- and high-income group. Examining the second goal of a GRP, we use again a differences-in-differences framework to estimate whether municipalities with a GRP can hire more younger workers when compared to municipalities without this program. Using subsequently the log of young employees and the fraction of young employees in a municipality as our dependent variable, we find that the number of younger workers increases for municipalities with a GRP. However, this effect is insignificant. Besides, we find as well that the introduction of a GRP has no significant effect on the wage growth for young civil servants. Our contribution to the literature is twofold.

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