october 1934 Alternatives Before British Labor Sir Stafford Cripps Volume 13 • Number 1 The contents of Foreign Affairs are copyrighted.©1934 Council on Foreign Relations, Inc. All rights reserved. Reproduction and distribution of this material is permitted only with the express written consent of Foreign Affairs. Visit www.foreignaffairs.com/permissions for more information. ALTERNATIVES BEFORE BRITISH LABOR By Sir Stafford Cripps was IN 1929 when the British Labor Party asked for the second a no time to form government it had majority in the House was of Commons. It the largest single party but it could gov ern so as a only long it retained the support of considerable number an career of Liberals. At early stage in its governmental Mr. Lloyd George stated, upon behalf of the Liberal Party, that they would not support any measure of socialism. It then became clear was to that the utmost that Labor could do proceed upon reform more ist lines, similar to, but perhaps rather bold than, those which the Liberal Party could itself have adopted. a Unfortunately promises of definitely socialist character had been held out to the supporters of the Party. These had been en shrined in a document which was afterwards often referred to, was not so a as a "Labor and the Nation." It much program collection of proposals of all kinds, varying greatly in importance and in character. Some of them were definitely socialist, others no as to decidedly reformist, and order of precedence either time or in importance had been laid down. The supporters of the Party the House of Commons included persons of all shades of opinion, on one from the liberal-minded the hand to revolutionary social on went ists of the Independent Labor Party the other. As time on it became abundantly clear that the tactic of the Government a meas was not to ride for fall by introducing definitely socialist as as ures, but to remain in power long possible, carrying through measures as were such reformist possible with Liberal support. to see to meet Those who desired something effective done the more more deepening crisis of capitalism became and discon tented, until the Independent Labor Party members formed a a to themselves into definite attacking group with view forcing the pace. at as This had little practical effect the time, any issue upon which this were to vote the Government group prepared against to aid. But was brought the Liberals and others the latter's it was con not only in Parliament that discontent brewing. In the more more stituencies, too, the keener supporters became and dis so so appointed. Socialism had been talked of much and long that Council on Foreign Relations is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve, and extend access to Foreign Affairs ® www.jstor.org ALTERNATIVES BEFORE BRITISH LABOR 123 Party members believed in the reality of their leaders' intentions. a The excuse that the Government was in minority and that it more to had done than any previous Government alleviate the course lot of the workers helped hold them in line. But the of bye elections showed the Government's waning popularity. It is a common feature with all capitalist governments elected a upon wide franchise that they become progressively less popular the longer they remain in power. The workers who have been at election time soon to realize given magnificent promises begin were. how hollow and false those promises The swing of the is the to and im pendulum necessary corollary extravagant With a socialist it should possible electioneering promises. party nave was been different. This something new, and real hopes were a as entertained of fundamental change. However, time was new or was progressed, it realized that nothing startling out to a coming of Parliament. There seemed little choose between a or Labor Government and Liberal Tory Government; all made none extravagant promises, fulfilled them. came The real testing time in 1931. The financial difficulties in a Germany and Austria frightened the City of London, and when run on must started the pound sterling they decided that action be taken. Some day, no doubt, the true story will be told of the transatlantic telephone conversations which preceded the fall of were com the Labor Government, but these of small importance to was out pared the real issue that fought within the cabinet or whether consciously unconsciously. The moment had arrived when reformism had to be abandoned. It had necessarily increased the difficulties of the capitalists with their rapidly contracting no markets^, and it could longer be tolerated without the danger a were of complete collapse of the whole system. Two paths open: to allow reaction to take and to the concessions charge give up or to which had been extracted from capitalism; to proceed risk a the breakdown while making rapid change-over to socialism. was no It this latter possibility, doubt, which alarmed the City of London. Within the cabinet, as all the world knows, there was a division of opinion. Those who subsequently joined the National Govern ment was more to took the view that it important preserve the economic system than to attempt to establish socialism; the rest to felt themselves bound by their pledges the workers, though no they had very definite ideas of how next to proceed. In the 124 FOREIGN AFFAIRS result neither the Labor Party nor Parliament was consulted, but a number of the party leaders entered into a coalition with a the combined capitalist forces under the guise of National Gov ernment with the obvious intention of saving capitalism. Within the Trade Union movement and the Labor Party there a is great tradition of loyalty. The leaders who had grown up with were the movement almost idolized; their pictures occupied the place of honor in thousands of working-class homes. It seemed to almost impossible Labor supporters throughout the country that three of these leaders should have joined the enemy, and was as to was there great bewilderment the meaning of all that a taking place. After short sitting of Parliament, during which were sundry reactionary emergency steps taken, the election of the autumn of 1931 was held. During the few weeks preceding the election the parliamentary as a Labor Party, which still remained strong opposition, fever out a new was ishly busied itself with working policy. It obvious that the whole circumstances had changed, and the definitely a socialist elements in the party insisted upon the necessity for decisively socialist program. Shortly before the election the party at statement held its annual conference Scarborough and the that was the whole policy of gradualism had been finally abandoned greeted with immense cheering. Indeed, in the first flush of the realization of the altered circumstances a much more advanced was was little policy adopted, but it hastily put together with not time for consideration. In the result, many candidates did appreciate its implications; many different interpretations of it were put forward from the party platforms; and every opportu was to to nity given the National Government supporters mislead as to its and content. the electors meaning When Lord Snowden, still then Mr. Philip Snowden, announced over the wireless that the very policy which he himself had ap was run proved in "Labor and the Nation" "bolshevism mad" at it was hardly to be wondered that the electorate became notes at frightened. The Prime Minister waved million-mark his audiences and explained the fate that would overtake the poor if the wicked socialists, amongst whom he himself had been numbered but a few weeks earlier, were to be returned to power. not so In this confusion and panic the wonder is that few Labor were but that so a vote was cast for an members returned, large ill-digested but distinctly socialist program. Over six million ALTERNATIVES BEFORE BRITISH LABOR 125 to electors stood by the Labor Party, but owing the combination a of all the capitalist elements in united front of Tories, Liberals and so-called National Labor less than 50 Labor members were returned. Disillusionment set in. The undignified squabbles that ensued in Parliament between members or the late Labor Cabinet who now to found themselves keen antagonists did nothing improve the situation. Apathy and despondency permeated the party was at can we and the question constantly asked meetings: How know that our present leaders will not desert us as our former leaders have done? This was a cry from the heart of the movement no mere a and superficial argument. It became obvious that much more statement as fully considered of policy must be formulated as a next the basis for propaganda and platform for the election. During the ensuing year the Independent Labor Party, which had drifted further and further away from the main party, defi a nitely severed its connection and constituted itself rival organi was zation. In the process it itself split in half between those who were to in favor of disaffiliating and those who believed it wiser movement stay within the and assist inmaking it definitely social a new ist in its policy. There had also been started body within the Labor movement, the Society for Socialist Inquiry and Propa success ganda (S.S.I.P.) which had met with considerable amongst were now left-wing elements of the party. Arrangements made to to bring together those of its elements which had desired remain affiliated and the members of S.S.I.P. At a conference held at Leicester immediately before the 1932 Labor Party Conference the was Socialist League formed out of these elements, with the late as a Frank Wise chairman.