Theological Contributions of John Wesley to the Doctrine of Perfection

Theological Contributions of John Wesley to the Doctrine of Perfection

Andrews University Seminary Studies, Vol. 51, No. 2, 301-310. Copyright © 2013 Andrews University Press. THEOLOGICAL CONTRIBUTIONS OF JOHN WESLEY TO THE DOCTRINE OF PERFECTION THEODORE LEVTEROV Loma Linda University Loma Linda, California Introduction The doctrine of perfection is biblically based. In Matt 5:48 (NIV), Jesus declares, “Be perfect, therefore, as your heavenly Father is perfect.” However, the meaning of the term “perfection” is contested, with many different interpretations ranging from one extreme to another.1 At one end of the spectrum, it has been concluded that perfection and Christian growth is not possible, while at the other it is thought that humans can attain a state of sinless perfection. Within this range of understandings, scholars agree that no one has better described the biblical doctrine of perfection than John Wesley. For example, Rob Staples proposes that this doctrine “represents the goal of Wesley’s entire religious quest.”2 Albert Outler notes that “the chief interest and signifi cance of Wesley as a theologian lie in the integrity and vitality of his doctrine as a whole. Within that whole, the most distinctive single element was the notion of ‘Christian perfection.’”3 Harald Lindstrom indicates that “the importance of the idea of perfection to Wesley is indicated by his frequent mention of it: in his sermons and other writings, in his journals and letters, and in the hymn books he published with his brother Charles.”4 John Wesley himself affi rmed that “this doctrine is the grand depositum which God has lodged with the people called Methodists; and for the sake of propagating this chiefl y He appeared to have raised us up.”5 This article will examine Wesley’s basic contributions to the doctrine of perfection. The study will (1) address factors that played a major role in the formation of his understanding of perfection, and (2) examine his contribution to the doctrine of perfection. 1For full theological and historical treatment on the doctrine on perfection, see H. K. La Rondelle, Perfection and Perfectionism: A Dogmatic-Ethical Study of Biblical Perfection and Phenomenal Perfection (Berrien Springs: Andrews University Press, 1971). 2Rob Lyndal Staples, “John Wesley’s Doctrine of Christian Perfection: A Reinterpretation” (Ph.D. dissertation, Pacifi c School of Religion, 1963), vi. 3Albert C. Outler, ed. John Wesley (New York: Oxford University Press, 1964), 30. 4Harald Lindstrom, Wesley and Sanctifi cation: A Study in the Doctrine of Salvation (London: Epworth, 1950), 126. 5Ibid. 301 302 SEMINARY STUDIES 51 (AUTUMN 2013) The Formation of Wesley’s Understanding of Perfection Wesley’s understanding of perfection must be studied against two major factors: (1) practical mystical, and (2) the infl uence of the Eastern church fathers. Practical Mystical Wesley noted at the beginning of A Plain Account of Christian Perfection that he had been infl uenced in his understanding of the doctrine of perfection by practical mysticism. “This [the doctrine of Christian perfection] I owe to the serious part of mankind,” he wrote, “those who desire to know all ‘the truth as it is in Jesus.’”6 Several sources made a strong impact on him. For example, in 1725, he read Jeremy Taylor’s Rule and Exercises of Holy Living (1650) and Rule and Exercises of Holy Dying (1651), of which he noted: In reading several parts of this book, I was exceedingly affected; that part in particular which relates to purity of intention. Instantly I resolved to dedicate all my life to God, all my thoughts, and words, and actions; being thoroughly convinced there was no medium; but that every part of my life (not some only) must either be a sacrifi ce to God, or myself, that is, in effect, to the devil.7 So deeply infl uenced was he by Taylor that he began to keep a diary in order to record and measure “his progress in holy living.”8 A year later, in 1726, Wesley read Kempis’s Christian Pattern. He was greatly moved by the idea of “inward religion,” or “religion of the heart.” As a result, he noted that “even giving all my life to God . would profi t me nothing, unless I gave my heart, yea, all my heart to him.”9 This conversion moment proved transformative for him. “I began to alter the whole form of my conversation,” he stated, “and to set in earnest upon a new life.” In response to his ever-deepening experience, he noted, “I set apart an hour or two a day for religious retirement. I watched against all sins, whether in word or deed. I began to aim at, and pray for, inward holiness.’”10 He became certain that true religion had to come from the heart. 6John Wesley, A Plain Account of Christian Perfection, in The Works of the Rev. John Wesley in Ten Volumes, 1st American ed. (New York: J. & J. Harper, 1827), 3:5. 7Ibid., 5. 8Richard P. Heitzenrater, Wesley and the People Called Methodists (Nashville: Abingdon, 1995), 35. 9Wesley, 4-5. 10Bruce Eugene Moyer, “The Doctrine of Christian Perfection: A Comparative Study of John Wesley and the Modern American Holiness Movement” (Ph.D. dissertation, Marquette University, 1992), 29. THEOLOGICAL CONTRIBUTIONS OF JOHN WESLEY 303 A year or two later, Wesley became acquainted with William Law’s books, Christian Perfection (1726) and A Serious Call to a Devout and Holy Life (1729). “These [books] convinced me,” he stated, “more than ever, of the absolute impossibility of being half a Christian; and I determined, through his grace, (the absolute necessity of which I was deeply sensible of), to be all devoted to God, to give him all my soul, my body, and my substance.”11 These authors greatly impacted Wesley’s view of holy living and of a complete heartfelt commitment to God. But it was not the only infl uence on his understanding of perfection—the Eastern church fathers also brought an ever-deepening transformation to Wesley’s doctrine of perfection. The Eastern Church Fathers Outler concludes that Wesley’s writings on perfection should be read “in the light of its indirect sources in early and Eastern spirituality.”12 A fi rst important infl uence was that of his father, Samuel. Wesley read at least two important documents that his father wrote: (1) The Young Student’s Library (1692), which contained a list of various books among which were two works on Greek Christianity—William Beveridge’s Synodikon and Cotelier’s Ecclesiae Graecae Monumenta (or “Documents of the Greek Church);13 and (2) Advice to a Young Clergyman (1735), which contained “a more extensive prospectus of his recommended readings in ancient Christianity.”14 Ten pages of this work were specifi cally concerned with the importance of the early Christian fathers. In the years 1724 to 1725, while Wesley was seeking ordination as a priest of the Church of England, his father also urged him to read Chrysostom’s work, De Sacerdotio (“On the Priesthood”). “‘Master it,’ he urged, ‘digest it.’”15 A second source for Wesley’s appreciation of early Christian tradition came from a small group organized at Oxford by his brother Charles that studied ancient liturgies and monastic piety of the fourth-century Christian fathers.16 By early 1732, the group also started to observe “fasts” on Wednesday and Fridays in imitation of early church practices. It is possible that the group may have learned about these practices from Robert Nelson’s Companion to the Festivals and Fasts of the Church of England, a book which Wesley had read the previous year.17 Or, as Wesley himself admitted, the suggestion of observing 11Wesley, 5. 12Outler, 252. 13Ted A. Campbell, John Wesley and Christian Antiquity (Nashville: Kingswood, 1991), 24. 14Ibid. 15Ibid., 25. 16Outler, 8. 17Campbell, 26-27. 304 SEMINARY STUDIES 51 (AUTUMN 2013) the weekly fasts may have come from his friend, John Clayton. Whatever the case, it is clear that Wesley began to be more and more interested in the beliefs and practices of the early church. A third source of Wesley’s interest in ancient Christianity was his fellow “Methodist” friend, Clayton. Because of Clayton’s infl uence, Wesley began to study deeply newly available ancient Christian literature, discovered during “the patristic renaissance of the last half of the seventeenth century.”18 British scholars began to show a particular interest in the history and teachings of the church during the fi rst three centuries as this literature became available.19 By the time Wesley went to Oxford, the libraries were full of scholarly editions of works on early Christian tradition and the church fathers. The revival of classical antiquity greatly infl uenced Wesley’s theological understanding of perfection. A fourth source of Wesley’s interest in early Christian traditions was his meeting with the Moravians, who had brought with them to the United States their understanding of German pietism. During his stay in Georgia, he often engaged in the study of early Christian texts with the Moravians. Consequently, he read several works including Laurence Echard’s General Ecclesiastical History (1702), the works of William Cave such as Primitive Christianity, and Spiritual Homilies attributed to Macarius of Egypt.20 What Wesley found particularly fascinating about these authors was their views about the doctrine of perfection. “Their concept of perfection as a process rather than a state,” observed Outler, “gave Wesley a spiritual vision quite different from the static perfectionism envisaged in Roman spiritual theology of the period and the equally static quietism of those Protestants and Catholics whom he later deplored as ‘the mystic writers.’”21 Outler also insightfully noted that “in the writings of what he [Wesley] thought was ‘Macarius the Egyptian,’ he was actually in touch with Gregory of Nyssa, the greatest of all the Eastern Christian teachers of the quest for perfection.”22 This is signifi cant since it is likely that Gregory of Nyssa was the main source of Wesley’s doctrine of perfection.

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