The Fletcher School Online Journal on Southwest Asia and Islamic Civilization Fall 2008 Aceh’s Struggle for Independence: Considering the Role of Islam in Separatist Conflict Robert Shaw, MALD 2008 movement (GAM) was not associated with the INTRODUCTION ulama and, although the Islamic character of GAM Tension and conflict marred the relationship is inseparable from its identity, its objectives between the Indonesian government in Jakarta maintained a clear political focus. and Indonesia’s northernmost province of Aceh Part I of this article will examine the major for most of the last half century. At the core of the aspects of Acehnese identity. Part II will examine center‐periphery rift between Jakarta and Aceh the changing role of the ulama in Aceh after was the Acehnese desire for political autonomy, Indonesia gained its independence. It will argue although that desire has enjoyed varying degrees that marginalization of the ulama by the Suharto of support in Aceh since the region was government and repression against the Acehnese incorporated into an independent Indonesian helped create a movement with a distinct political state in 1953.1 Shortly after the formation of the character whose religious attributes were Indonesian state, Acehnese joined with the ambiguous at best. Part III will describe the national resistance movement, Darul Islam, to evolution of The Free Aceh Movement and the launch the first post‐colonial armed struggle in conditions that finally led to successful peace talks Aceh. Two decades later, the issue of political between the Indonesian government and the Free autonomy still had not been resolved. The Free Aceh Movement in 2005. Part IV will consider the Aceh Movement (Gerakan Aceh Merdeka; GAM) erroneous portrayal of GAM in the Western formed in response and maintained a 29‐year media as an Islamic movement and argue that armed struggle against the government of both rhetoric from the Indonesian government Indonesia to a political system in Aceh free from and shallow analysis led to this portrayal. This the authority of the Indonesian state. article argues that Islam forms a critical The character of the Darul Islam movement subcurrent in the ideology of GAM because it is a and the Free Aceh movement differ in a critical reflection of the Acehnese culture and identity, respect. Darul Islam primarily aimed to establish but not because the group maintains Islamic an Islamic Government over all of Indonesia; political aspirations. political autonomy for Aceh was only a secondary aim. The ulama, religious clerics, led the struggles PART I: AN ANALYSIS OF ACEHNESE reflecting the centrality of religion to the IDENTITY movement’s ideology. In contrast, the Free Aceh © The Fletcher School – al Nakhlah – Tufts University 160 Packard Avenue – Medford, MA 02155-7082 USA – Tel: +1.617.627.3700 2 al Nakhlah Aceh’s location on the island of Sumatra is of assets in the region, they gradually conquered the strategic importance, both economically and area surrounding the Aceh Kingdom. By the militarily. The island lies at the mouth of the nineteenth century, Aceh was the sole remaining Malacca Strait, which is the busiest international independent entity, although it had long ago lost sea‐lane in the world today.2 While it would be an its status as a regional power.6 The Acehnese were exaggeration to argue Aceh holds the same eventually defeated militarily and subjugated by strategic character as the Suez or Panama Canal, the Dutch, but sporadic guerilla attacks continued its geography is of strategic importance to other and the Acehnese remained extremely states in the international system. Moreover, vast independent in their behavior.7 In a 1948 speech, natural gas and oil reserves were discovered in the first president of Indonesia acknowledged the Aceh in the last 30 years, eclipsing the importance pivotal role Aceh played in Indonesia’s of Aceh’s agricultural and timber industries. The independence movement, when he stated, “The Aceh province is a strategic asset to the people of Aceh carried this struggle to the very Indonesian government in Jakarta. end; they attacked, staved off and held back The Indonesian national census estimated Dutch imperialism from entering the province of Aceh’s population to be 1.7 million people in Aceh.”8 2000. Matthew Davies’ compilation of several Important as the shared history of glory and more recent surveys suggests that the population resistance is to the notion of the Acehnese is likely closer to5 4. million people.3 Far from a identity, Islam is truly the common denominator homogeneous society, Aceh is home to several of unification in the region. James Siegel argues in distinct ethnic groups. Although the largest group The Rope of God that only Islam was able to is said to represent 75 to 90 percent of the supersede village‐level identification and loyalty population, it is subdivided by seven distinct among the Acehnese. Siegel writes that, in the dialects and maintains no identifiable racial nineteenth century, “the basis of effective ties commonality.4 Despite the many differences between people from different sectors of society separating the people of Aceh, they have was not common developed a strong regional and ethnic character. dependence and mutual The Acehnese identity The Acehnese identity is derived from a need for each other as is derived from a combination of historical pride associated with villager, lord, sultan, and combination of the Acehnese Sultanate, a collective memory of uleebelang9, but common historical pride struggle against the Dutch colonizers, and a identity as Muslims, common and regionally specific form of Islam. which superseded all associated with the The shared Acehnese sense of a unique and other distinctions.”10 Acehnese Sultanate, a glorious past has several roots. The Sultanate of Jacqueline Siapno, in her collective memory of Aceh was the first Muslim Kingdom established extensive ethnographic struggle against the in Southeast Asia. Arab and Indian traders, study of Aceh, argues Dutch colonizers, and a through outposts established from the eleventh that Acehnese Islam is century, brought Islam and political organization perceived by those in the common and regionally to a long line of Aceh Kingdoms. By the sixteenth region as distinctive from specific form of Islam. and seventeenth centuries, the Acehnese Sultanate the practice of Islam in had expanded territorially, developed an the rest of Indonesia. Because Islam first arrived extensive trade network, and developed into the in Aceh, the Acehnese see their territory as a center of a flourishing Islamic culture containing center for religious thought and devotion in rich scholarly debates.5 relation to the rest of Indonesia.11 As The Netherlands and other European colonial powers expanded their global colonial © The Fletcher School – al Nakhlah – Tufts University Fall 2008 3 When Indonesian nationalism emerged as a uleebalang as regional administrators and force in the twentieth century, it was not seen as marginalizing the ulama.16 Radicalization of the incompatible with Aceh’s identity. The Acehnese ulama began as leaders such as Cik Di Tiro lent significant support, both financially and appealed to the religious legitimacy of the militarily, for the war of independence against the resistance to the point that Martinkus and other Dutch colonialists. There were no demands scholars have called it a holy war.17 The Dutch among Aceh’s political and religious leadership were expelled shortly before the Japanese gained for a separate Acehnese state.12 Edward Aspinall control of Aceh in WWII, from 1942 to 1945. analyzes Acehnese society and the Indonesian Under Japanese occupation the ulama continued state following independence and concludes there to direct a guerrilla struggle; at the same time, the was an inverse relationship between the economic Japanese, in an attempt to gain the ulama’s and administrative integration of Aceh into the support, created religious courts and recognized national state and the level of popular support for Islamic law on certain issues, which also worked the integration.13 to strengthen the ulama’s The weakness of the The uleebalang lost their formal authority.18 Indonesian government in its legitimacy as they were Following the Japanese early years permitted Aceh to viewed as a left over withdrawal the ulama become an autonomous institution from the colonial established their supremacy province of Indonesia with as the principle leaders of Daud Beureueh, a prominent period, a group no longer Aceh. From 1947 to 1948 the ulama, as its governor.14 As representing the general Dutch returned to reestablish Aceh’s regional power was interest. This loss of a colonial regime, and a battle eroded and it was incorporated legitimacy allowed the for independence ensued into the Indonesian state, ulama to become the between the Dutch and the discontent grew, ultimately newly established Republic of resulting in armed conflict. supreme leaders in Aceh. Indonesia. Recognizing the Aceh joined the Darul Islam transformation in power movement under the leadership structure and the strength of of Daud Beureueh and Aceh’s ulama. The the ulama, the Republic of Indonesia named Daud changing power structure in Aceh and the ulama’s Beureueh as governor.19 During this period the rise as the principle leaders in Aceh’s society ulama removed the uleebalang as players in Aceh’s helps to explain the character of the 1950s armed society by killing their most prominent leaders conflict. and seizing uleebalang property, conducted through attacks by the All Aceh Religious PART II: THE EVOLVING ROLE OF THE ULAMA Scholars Association (PUSA).20 The uleebalang lost IN ACEH their legitimacy as they were viewed as a left over When Aceh joined the Darul Islam rebellion, institution from the colonial period, a group no the ulama had long established supremacy as the longer representing the general interest. This loss leaders of Aceh.