HISTORICAL REVIEW Pneumonic Plague in Johannesburg, South Africa, 1904 Charles M. Evans, Joseph R. Egan, Ian Hall Plague is a potentially dangerous reemerging disease. Be- fields. In 1905, the Rand Plague Committee published a cause modern outbreaks are relatively infrequent, data for report (the RPCR) that documented the principal findings epidemiologic study are best found in historical accounts. together with the data on which their inferences were based In 1905, the Rand Plague Committee published a report (8). A copy of the RPCR can be found in the Wellcome describing an explosive outbreak of 113 cases of pneu- Library, 183 Euston Road, London NW1 2BE, UK. It was monic plague that occurred in Johannesburg, South Africa, compiled by Walter Pakes (acting for Charles Porter, Medi- in 1904. Using these data, we investigated social, spatial, and temporal dynamics and quantified transmissibility as cal Officer of Health for Johannesburg) and comprises 103 measured by the time-varying reproduction number. Risk pages of text accompanied by plates and folded maps. We for transmission was highest when friends, family members, reexamined these data in light of modern knowledge and and caregivers approached the sick. Reproduction numbers recently developed analytical techniques. were 2–4. Transmission rates rapidly diminished after im- plementation of control measures, including isolation and Materials and Methods safer burial practices. A contemporaneous smaller bubonic plague outbreak associated with a low-key epizootic of rats Social, Political, and Spatial Context also occurred. Clusters of cases of pneumonic plague were In 1886, the Witwatersrand gold fields opened, and Witwa- mostly limited to the Indian community; cases of bubonic tersrand soon became the largest gold-producing region in plague were mostly associated with white communities and the world. After the second Boer war, in May 1900 Brit- their black African servants. ish forces occupied Johannesburg, achieving economic and political dominance. Up to and beyond 1904, the racial ince the epidemics of primary pneumonic plague in makeup of Johannesburg was determined by the need to SManchuria in the early 20th century, few opportuni- attract highly skilled workers and cheap labor. From 1860 ties for the study of substantial epidemics have occurred on, workers from India entered the Colony of Natal under (1). Often small, self-limiting (2), and occurring in inac- a system of indenture organized by the British and white cessible places, epidemics may well have run their course farmers, and from 1896, the Chamber of Mines coordinated before medical teams arrived (3). When authorities are the recruitment of black African labor through the Witwa- vigilant, patients and contacts can be quickly identified, tersrand Native Labour Association (9). isolated, and, when possible, given effective antimicro- After the completion of indenture, Indian workers were bial drugs (4). Nevertheless, the pneumonic form of Yer- permitted to buy “preferent” rights to parcels of land in Jo- sinia pestis infection remains a potential threat to public hannesburg, known as “stands,” within a small area widely health (5), and an aerosolized preparation might be used known as the Coolie Location (Figure 1). This area subse- as a biological weapon (6). The death rate among patients quently became a multiracial slum, causing the municipal who do not receive treatment approaches 100%, which authorities to repurchase it for redevelopment. Mahatma makes pneumonic plague one of the most lethal diseases Gandhi made a name for himself by securing fair compen- known to humanity, and lately, antimicrobial drug–resis- sation for the Indian property owners (10). A photograph tant strains have been detected (7). (Figure 2) depicts a ramshackle collection of dwellings, Historical records are therefore a useful source of data described as follows in the RPCR: “… although the Coolie for epidemiologic studies. One such epidemic, which has Location is theoretically laid out in stands, the tin shanties received limited attention, occurred in 1904 in Johannes- were put in all sorts of positions… the whole of Stands 43 burg, South Africa, adjacent to the Witwatersrand gold and 48 must be considered as one mass of little huts, with common latrines, etc where the inhabitants… were in very Author affiliations: University of Birmingham, Birmingham, constant and close contact with… their neighbors.” UK (C.M. Evans); Public Health England, Wiltshire, UK The central focus of Johannesburg was the market (J.R. Egan, I. Hall) square, where the post office, stock exchange, banks, and DOI: https://doi.org/10.3201/eid2401.161817 shopping outlets were located. The market square received Emerging Infectious Diseases • www.cdc.gov/eid • Vol. 24, No. 1, January 2018 95 HISTORICAL REVIEW Figure 1. Central area of Johannesburg, South Africa, in 1904, showing the relative positions of the Coolie Location, Burgersdorp, and Market Square. Map held at the Witwatersrand Library, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa, and available at http://innopac.wits. ac.za/search/?searchtype=t&SO RT=D&searcharg=plan+of+johan nesburg+and+suburbs goods, which were often auctioned on site, from the coast was commonplace (13). The Johannesburg census of April and elsewhere. Within the square, buildings housed addi- 17, 1904, recorded 118,917 male and 39,663 female inhab- tional shops, restaurants, and offices. Between the Coolie itants (14). The racial distribution was described as follows: Location and market square was an area known as Brick- “Europeans/whites,” 52,042 male and 31,680 female; “all fields or Burgersdorp. Originally established by poor Af- coloured races, including South African aboriginals and rikaner families, who fabricated sun-baked bricks to sup- Asiatics,” 66,875 male and 7,803 female. ply the gold-driven property boom, this area also become a multiracial slum (11). The RPCR as Data Source African workers recruited or coerced into supplying Outbreaks of primary pneumonic plague and bubonic cheap labor for the mines were housed in compounds close plague together with an associated epizootic among rats to their place of work but some distance from Johannesburg were documented. Details were given of the procedures center (12). Conditions there were poor, and pneumonia adopted by public health workers, methods used for the Figure 2. The Coolie Location. Photograph kindly supplied by Museum Africa, 121 Lilian Ngoyi (formerly Bree) St., Newtown, Johannesburg, South Africa. 96 Emerging Infectious Diseases • www.cdc.gov/eid • Vol. 24, No. 1, January 2018 Pneumonic Plague in Johannesburg, 1904 identification of Y. pestis, and postmortem examinations. Dr. Alexander visited the Location and found a number of Case types were defined as follows: “Pure pneumonic cas- Indians suffering apparently from Pneumonia… during the es were those in which no buboes could be found, but in evening of the 18th March, Mr. Gandhi, Dr. Godfrey and which there was definite broncho-pneumonia. The mixed Mr. Madenjit… removed all the sick Indians they could cases were those in which there was definite broncho-pneu- find to Stand 36, Coolie Location….” Other reports sug- monia, as well as buboes, and the B. Pestis [sic] was re- gest that Gandhi and his colleagues were the first to raise covered both from the foci in the lungs and from the bubo. the alarm. William Godfrey, a doctor of Indian descent who The septicaemic cases were those without either signs of graduated in 1903 from Edinburgh University (19), real- pneumonia or buboes.” ized that plague had broken out and arranged for an empty A list of cases recorded from March 20 on indicated house to be made available before a larger temporary hos- the date of death, type of infection, race, sex, occupa- pital was later established. After bacteriologic confirmation tion, and residential location for each patient. The RPCR of the presence of Y. pestis, a cordon was placed around the also contained a retrospective study of 37 cases (origi- Coolie Location on March 20. nally thought to be pneumonia but which had occurred The first cases of pneumonic plague to be documented before March 20). Also noted were the cases of a Dr. in the retrospective study occurred between early January Marais and 9 other patients with pneumonic plague (for- and mid-March (Figure 3). Two cases of bubonic plague mer inhabitants of the Coolie Location, who had fled to occurred in the weeks ending February 6 and March 5 and areas outside Johannesburg). To illustrate putative trans- were mentioned as follows: “A very careful search through mission pathways, all cases of pneumonic plague were the death returns for several months before the 18th March, logged on a fold-out chart; we used those dates of death 1904, fails to reveal any probable case of bubonic plague for our analysis. (as distinguished from pneumonic plague) with the excep- tion of Cases VII and XIV...” Both patients were attended Estimation of the Time-Varying Reproduction by medical officers. Inguinal swellings were noted, al- Number for Cases of Primary Pneumonic Plague though a diagnosis of bubonic plague was not made at that The transmissibility of primary pneumonic plague can be time. Death occurred within 2 days of the examinations, quantified by estimating the time-varying reproduction but the report maintains that no further cases seem to have number, Rt, defined as the average number of secondary arisen from them. infections resulting from an infectious person. We used The pneumonic phase of the epidemic showed an “ex- a recently published method of estimating Rt (15), which plosive” increase during the 12th and 13th weeks, whereas requires a count of the observed number of patients who the bubonic cases peaked in week 14 and continued over became symptomatic each day. However, the date of on- the next 14 weeks. We note that pneumonic plague cases set of many of the primary pneumonic plague cases could not be ascertained because the first indication was often the discovery of a deceased person and no witness to the date of disease onset.