Social Media Strategies of Right-Wing Movements - The

Social Media Strategies of Right-Wing Movements - The

Social Media Strategies of Right-Wing Movements - The Radicalization of Pegida Carsten Schwemmera aUniversity of Bamberg, Chair of Political Sociology, Feldkirchenstr. 21, 96052 Bamberg Abstract This paper investigates how right-wing movements strategically utilize social media for communication with supporters. We argue that movements seek to maximize user activity on social media platforms for increasing on-site mobilization. To examine what factors affect social media activity and how right-wing movements strategically adjust their content, We analyze the German right-wing movement Pegida, which uses Facebook for spreading its anti-Islam agenda and promoting events in the In- ternet. Data from Pegida's Facebook page are combined with news reports over a period of 18 months to measure activity on Facebook and in the public sphere si- multaneously. Results of quantitative text and time series analysis show that the quantity of posts by Pegida does not increase activities of Facebook users, but it is the quality and topic of posts that matter. Furthermore, findings suggest a strong connection between Facebook activities and Pegida's salience in the public sphere. In times of decreasing public attention, the movement changes its social media strategy based on exogenous shocks and resorts to increasingly radical mobilization methods. KEYWORDS social movements; social media; radical right; facebook; topic modeling CONTACT Carstem Schwemmer. Email: [email protected]; Twitter: @cschwemmer; ORCiD: 0000-0001-9084-946X 1. Introduction The use of social media to mobilize participants has become more common for political movements and protest groups in the past few years. Similarly, radical right-wing and populist forces have increasingly gained influence in many Western-European countries (Arzheimer, 2015). Previous research showed that social media played an important role for this development and results of several studies indicate that online representa- tions of social movements are no isolated bubbles of interaction, but instead do affect on-site user mobilization (Budak and Watts, 2015, Harlow, 2011, Poell et al., 2015, Suh et al., 2017, Tufekci and Wilson, 2012). However, few studies investigate exactly how right-wing movements use social media sites to reach their desired audience and which strategies are used to increase user participation for spreading xenophobic pro- paganda in the Internet. Moreover, little empirical evidence is available about how social media strategies of such movements are affected by their received public atten- tion and exogenous shocks. This work aims to fill this gap in the literature by posing two research questions: (1) RQ1: What factors influence the activity of users on social media platforms? (2) RQ2: How do right-wing movements adjust their social media content over time to mobilize supporters? These questions will be examined empirically by analyzing the social media activi- ties of the right-wing populist movement Pegida. Starting as a Facebook group in 2014, the political movement \Patriotic Europeans Against the Islamization of the West" - in short Pegida - organized weekly demonstrations in the German town Dresden to protest against the allegedly ongoing Islamization of Germany and policy decisions related to the refugee crisis (Dostal, 2015). To organize street-rallies, communicate with sympathizers and distribute its anti-Islam agenda on the Internet, Pegida pre- dominantly uses the social networking site Facebook, where the movement reached over 100.000 likes within a few months (Patzelt, 2016b, 140). As Pegida provides an ideal example for an emerging right-wing movement that has been using social media since its creation, a case study of its Facebook page provides valuable insights into the online mobilization strategies of such movements. To analyze activity on Facebook and 2 in the public sphere simultaneously, we combine data from Pegida's Facebook page with news reports from digital archives over a period of 18 months from December 2014 until May 2016. This research design is crucial to understand how social media activities relate to the public attention of right-wing movements, which is not possible with approaches of other studies on the subject that solely focus on social media data. By applying an automated method for measuring salience with news reports extracted from digital archives, this study therefore goes beyond analyzing social media content in isolation and examines the interplay with the public activities. Furthermore, the research design proposed in this work is applicable to many other use cases, thus allow- ing further research to build upon this work. Our findings indicate that user activities are indeed strongly connected to public attention and that Pegida's leadership can- not influence user activity by simply creating more content. Instead, it is the quality and topic of posts that matter and posts with xenophobic material generate more user activity than others. Moreover, it will be shown that the movement leadership strategically changes topics in response to decreasing salience in the public sphere and exogenous shocks. As public attention for Pegida decreases, its leadership resorts to more and more radical mobilization methods on Facebook. 2. Related work and expectations 2.1. Social movements and social media Online platforms can be utilized by movements as tools for resource mobilization. So- cial media pages enable transnational communication to reach potential supporters and only require very limited resource investment. Moreover, communication between movement organizers and followers enhances the shaping of a collective identity and connects users according to their ideological beliefs (Van De Donk et al., 2004, 5ff.). A number of studies have investigated in the use of social media platforms by social movements, showing that networking services like Twitter and Facebook are commonly used to organize social, political and protest movements. Harlow studied a Guatemalan justice movement by interviewing the leadership and analyzing the content of Face- book comments. He concluded from the interviews that organizers of the movement 3 were \never imagining the site would prove to be such a powerful force for uniting tens of thousands of Guatemalans in protest" (2011, 238). Kavada (2015, 872) found that \social media helps to blur the boundaries between the inside and the outside of the [occupy] movement" and that social media platforms are important in the process of creating collective identity. Budak and Watts (2015) used Twitter data to analyze party support of 30,000 users in times of the Gezi uprising. By constructing a longi- tudinal user panel they showed that, in contrast to traditional panel studies, social media data can be a valid alternative to study unanticipated events. Furthermore, their results suggest that incorporating time in research design is a crucial factor for understanding dynamics of social movements. However, so far little research has been done on right-wing movements, which can be an important stepping stone for the emergence of political parties. Stier et al. (2017) compared Facebook use by Pegida and German political parties, showing that both right-wing populist actors, Pegida and the AfD party, appeal to similar target groups. The current work aims at nar- rowing this research gap, while at the same time providing new insights about the dynamic interplay between substantive content generated by right-wing movements, their public attention and exogenous shocks. In order to derive expectations for the strategic social media use of right-wing movements, it is important to highlight why the role of user activity that the activ- ity of users is a crucial factor because it influences how fast and to whom right-wing propaganda can spread on the plafrosm. What are the motives for right-wing move- ments to strategically maximize user activity on social media platforms like Facebook? The mechanisms behind the diffusion of information on Facebook, e.g. the diffusion of right-wing propaganda, are of great importance to protest groups. Facebook has a complex, algorithmically driven method of organizing news feeds of users. In general, information in the network spreads as users interact with content, which can be seen by befriended users. This possibly leads to friends also interacting with that content, promoting its diffusion across the network and influencing how fast and to whom infor- mation spreads in the network. In general, Facebook users seem to underestimate their potential reach. Bernstein et al. (2013) analyzed audience logs for 220,000 Facebook users' posts and found that after one month, users reach on average 61% of their friends 4 while guessing that their audience is only 27% of all friends. Diffusion mechanisms also apply when users interact with pages like the official Pegida page. As users subscribe to a Facebook page, its content will appear in the users news feed. A high number of subscribers would benefit Pegida or any other political actor on Facebook because it simplifies distributing content to an already established user base. More importantly however, when users engage with a post of a Facebook page through commenting, liking, or sharing, this also increases the probability that this post will appear in other people's news feed (Rieder et al., 2015, 4). Moreover, if friends of a user interact with a Facebook page, this content can also appear on the users' news feed although the user himself is not a

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