The Thirteenth-Century Flabellum from Deir Al-Surian in the Musée Royal De Mariemont (Morlanwelz, Belgium)

The Thirteenth-Century Flabellum from Deir Al-Surian in the Musée Royal De Mariemont (Morlanwelz, Belgium)

ECA 1 (2004), p. 113-139 The Thirteenth-Century Flabellum from Deir al-Surian in the Musée Royal de Mariemont (Morlanwelz, Belgium) Bas SNELDERS and Mat IMMERZEEL1 With an Appendix on the Syriac inscriptions by Lucas Van Rompay The collection in the Musée Royal de Mariemont al-Din (d. 1249) of the Ayyubid dynasty. The fact contains a bronze flabellum which is of great signif- that the only known buyer or patron was a Muslim icance to the study of Christian art in the Middle has led scholars to believe that these kinds of objects East dating from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries were not produced for a Christian clientele, but (Pls 1, 3; Fig. 1)2. It was bought for the museum in only for Muslims. They concluded that for Muslims Egypt in 1914 by Raoul Warocqué and initially who owned these objects, the Christian scenes classified as a Coptic work until it was discovered depicted on them were a reminder of their author- that its inscription is written in Syriac, and not in ity over the Christians6. In a recent publication it is Coptic. In 1974/75 Jules Leroy published a short straightforwardly assumed that the local Christians paper on the object at the request of the museum, had no role in the creation of these works7. In short, but since then the flabellum has largely been present scholarly opinion is that these objects, ignored. Thilo Ulbert refers to the piece in his decorated with Christian religious themes, were monograph on the so-called Resafa treasure, which comprises some other liturgical vessels with Syriac inscriptions, but although he includes a very good 1 The authors would like to express their gratitude to photograph, the flabellum is hardly discussed in the Madame Marie-Cécile Bruwier, curator of the Musée Royal text3. The purpose of the present article is not only de Mariemont, and other staff members of the museum for to draw attention to this little-studied object, but their invaluable assistance, to Jan van Ginkel, Robert Hillenbrand and Dirk Kruisheer for their highly appreci- also to shed some light on its function, iconogra- ated advices, to Demet Varli for photographing the flabel- phy, style, inscriptions and provenance in relation lum, and to Maria Sherwood-Smith for her help in correct- to its historical context. ing the English in the article. In recent years, increasing attention has been 2 Inv. No. IIIG 76B 2. 3 Ulbert 1990, 33, Taf. 55b. During excavations in 1982 in paid to the relationship between Christian and the Church of the Holy Cross at Resafa (Sergiupolis), 4 Islamic art and architecture in the Middle East . approximately 160 kilometres southeast of Aleppo, a silver A group of eighteen objects commonly referred to chalice and paten dating from around 1200 were discov- as Ayyubid metalwork with Christian images are ered, both bearing dedicatory inscriptions written in Syriac. 5 They had probably been buried, together with other litur- particularly suitable for a study on this subject . gical vessels, in order to save them from the Mongols, who They are generally assigned to Syria and North sacked the desert city in 1259/60. Mesopotamia and date from around the mid-thir- 4 Lucy-Anne Hunt has been a major contributor to this: teenth century. These various different bronze (or Hunt 1998 and 2000a. See also: Cruikshank Dodd 2001, 117-123. At present Snelders, for his doctoral dissertation, brass) vessels, inlaid with silver, are decorated with is carrying out research on the relationship between Christian and Islamic themes side by side. The Christian and Islamic art and architecture in Syria and Iraq bronzes depict Gospel scenes, images of the Virgin in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. The emphasis is on and Child, and friezes of saints and clerics along- the direct contact between Syrian Christians and Muslims. His research therefore focuses on the production of art with side traditional Islamic scenes such as the standard Christian as well as Islamic features in a group of inlaid cycle of royal pastimes. The patrons or buyers of bronzes, a number of medieval churches decorated with these pieces are mostly unknown, with two excep- stone carving in the area of Mosul, and some glass vessels. tions: a tray in the Louvre (ca 1239-1249) and the 5 Baer 1989. 6 Baer 1989, 48. Katzenstein/Lowry (1983, 65) have taken so-called d’Arenberg basin (ca 1247-1249) in the them to be an acknowledgement of Christianity’s peaceful Freer Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C. Both were role within Muslim society. made for the same sultan, al-Malik al-Salih Najm 7 Evans/Wixom 1997, 424-425. 113 produced by Muslim craftsmen for Muslim standing) facing the viewer and raising his right consumption. However, if one includes the bronze hand. Contrary to common practice, this hand does flabellum in the discussion a very different picture not make the usual gesture signifying blessing, nor emerges. does the Child hold a scroll in his left hand. Two flying angels with outstretched arms hover above the GENERAL DESCRIPTION throne, on either side of the head of the Virgin. Their right hands slightly overlap the edge of the The flabellum consists of a circular disk attached to Virgin’s halo, suggesting they may be holding it. a conical holder which has a large spherical knob The throne has a rectangular backrest, the left-hand towards the end. It was designed to be mounted on side of which has a looped, upward protrusion, a wooden staff. The total weight of the object is while the right-hand side is decorated with a trian- 1.95 kg and the disk has a diameter of 46.7 cm. gular form projecting outwards. The upper side of While the reverse of the disk was left unadorned, the backrest has a horizontal frieze, decorated with the obverse has been provided with an engraved a simple zigzag pattern. The throne rests on two legs decoration. It is divided into three concentric which taper before the foot. The engraver was not registers around a central medallion, which is expert in his representation of the throne, which has 12.9 cm in diameter (Pls 1, 3; Fig. 1). The outer various elements that do not correspond with each register, from which two large parts have broken off, other. For example, the frieze with the decorative is 2.2-2.6 cm in width and has a row of tiny holes, zigzag pattern is level with the Virgin’s left shoul- the function of which will be discussed later. The der, while the other side is much lower. The same second register is 2.5-2.7 cm wide and has been is true of the cushion; to the right it is much lower embellished with a Syriac inscription stating that it than to the left. It looks as though the artist tried was made in 1202/03 (A.G. 1514) for ‘the to correct his fault by placing the triangle on the Monastery of the House of the Mother of God, Mart(y) right at the correct height. He then compensated Maryam, in the desert of Scetis’ (see Appendix). for the resulting empty space by filling it with a Although the inscription does not explicitly men- decorative background, which gives the onlooker tion it as a donation, this does seem probable; the the impression of looking through the back of the fact alone that this elaborate text was applied, throne. Equally strange is the wing of the angel on including the name of the monastery for which it the right-hand-side, which merges with the Virgin’s was made and the date, suggests that the flabellum halo. was more than just a liturgical object. However, the Similar shortcomings and incongruities can also notion that the monastery itself, or one of its richer be found in the treatment of the clothing of both inhabitants, ordered and paid for the flabellum Mother and Child. The Virgin seems to have a sort cannot completely be discarded. Additional research of crown, represented by a headband with three on the nature of inscriptions on other metalwork points. She is wearing a long tunic and cloak, part from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries may shed of which falls over her right shoulder. This is some light on this matter. The precise dedication on probably meant to be a maphorion. The child is the flabellum clearly refers to Deir al-Surian in the dressed in a simple tunic which reaches to his bare Wadi al-Natrun (the ancient Scetis) in Egypt; the feet. It is not always immediately clear, particularly monastery and its main church were both dedicated in the case of the folds in the centre of the picture, to the Holy Virgin, al-cAdra. The third register on which is the Virgin’s clothing and which is that the flabellum has been left plain, while the central of Christ. There is a similar problem with the medallion depicts the Virgin and Child. This scene representation of the small carpet spread over the will now be described in greater detail. Its icono- cushion on which Mary is sitting. To the right of graphy and style will be examined subsequently. the Virgin, the carpet is clearly shown by two Mary is portrayed sitting on a high-backed, vertical lines which fall from the cushion, and it cushioned throne, her feet resting on an arc. She appears to be decorated with a fringe represented looks straight at the beholder, supporting the by three small rectangles. However, this detail is Christ-child with her left hand, which is barely completely absent on the other side and, even more visible, and gesturing towards him with her right.

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