Illinois Wesleyan University Digital Commons @ IWU Honors Projects History Department Spring 4-22-2016 National Identity, Historical Narratives, and the Fate of Poland in World War II Ziven K. Chinburg Illinois Wesleyan University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/history_honproj Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Chinburg, Ziven K., "National Identity, Historical Narratives, and the Fate of Poland in World War II" (2016). Honors Projects. 54. https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/history_honproj/54 This Article is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by Digital Commons @ IWU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this material in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This material has been accepted for inclusion by faculty at Illinois Wesleyan University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ©Copyright is owned by the author of this document. National Identity, Historical Narratives, and the Fate of Poland in World War II By Ziven Chinburg April 2016 Illinois Wesleyan University 1 On 4 October 1944, radio sets in London received the following message from embattled Warsaw: This is the stark truth. We were treated worse than Hitler’s satellites, worse than Italy, Roumania [sic], Finland. May God, who is just, pass judgement on the terrible injustice suffered by the Polish nation, and may He punish accordingly all those who are guilty. Your heroes are the soldiers whose only weapons against tanks, planes and guns were their revolvers and bottles filled with petrol. Your heroes are the women who tended the wounded, and carried messages under fire, who cooked in bombed and ruined cellars to feed children and adults, and who soothed and comforted the dying. Your heroes are the children who went on quietly playing among the smoldering ruins. These are the people of Warsaw. Immortal is the nation that can muster such universal heroism. For those who have died have conquered, and those who live on will fight on, will conquer and again bear witness that Poland lives when Poles live.1 This marked the final transmission of the Lightning (Błyskawicaradio) radio station of the Polish Home Army fighting for Warsaw in the fall of 1944. Lightning gave battle reports in English for British listeners. According to Jan Nowak, who composed the reports, the goal of Radio Lightning was to “do everything to see that it [the Warsaw Uprising] did not remain a tempest in a teacup, unnoticed by the rest of the world.”2 However, Nowak’s work did little to sway the West to assist the Poles in their titanic struggle for freedom. President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill, men far removed from Poland’s struggle and its sufferings, had already decided on the Polish issue.3 The anger, resentment, and pride in the last broadcast of the Polish resistance in Warsaw shows what many Poles thought of their allies and how they reconciled themselves to their failure to assert independence. 1 Quoted in Winston Churchill, The Second World War, vol. 6, Triumph and Tragedy (London: Houghton Mifflin, 1953), 144-45. 2 Jan Nowak, Courier from Warsaw (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1982) 355. 3 Ibid., 450. 2 Two months earlier, faced with political pressures, incitements by Soviet radio, and the close proximity of the Red Army, the Polish resistance movement launched an assault on Nazi control of Warsaw.4 The Warsaw Uprising (1 August-2 October 1944) was the largest act of any armed resistance movement during the war.5 It was a catastrophic failure and the last gasp of the Polish resistance’s effort to preserve Poland’s sovereignty after the war.6 250,000 Poles, most of them civilians, died supporting the cause of resistance against oppression.7 When Red Army troops entered the city in January 1945, it was a complete ruin.8 One of the most splendid and historic capitals of the world was no more. For those who fought in the uprising and those who lost loved ones in it, the question of blame for such a catastrophe looms large. After the war, the Poles needed a way to explain the suffering that beset their nation. Their reaction to the disaster of World War II was to draw on a long-standing historical narrative of Poland as a martyred nation. Poles view their nation as one frequently betrayed and victimized. This victimization often takes a religious undertone, as Poles see Poland suffering for the sins of Europe. Their narrative of the Warsaw Uprising contains both of the component parts of Poland’s identity of betrayal and martyrdom: suffering in the many Polish dead and betrayal in the actions of Poland’s allies. 4 Tadeusz Bór-Komorowski, The Secret Army (London: Camelot Press, 1950), 214. 5 Włodzimierz Borodziej, The Warsaw Uprising of 1944, trans. Barbara Harshav (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2006), 81. 6 Norman Davies, Heart of Europe: A Short History of Poland (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984), 78. 7 Borodziej, Warsaw Uprising, 130. 8 Ibid., 141. 3 The Warsaw Uprising Before its destruction in 1944, Warsaw was an important cultural center for hundreds of years. It was the center of the Polish royal court from 1596 to 1796 and was the capital of both the Warsaw Confederation and Congress Poland in the 19th century.9 The city became the capital of newly independent Poland in 1918 because of its rich heritage. It was a symbol for the lifeblood of the Polish state and people. It is fitting that in this symbolic city, Poland experienced its greatest martyrdom. Warsaw was a major center of the Polish resistance during World War II. The largest group of the Polish resistance was the Home Army. It was an umbrella organization of smaller resistance groups that appeared almost as soon as the ink had dried on the terms of Polish capitulation in 1939.10 The Home Army was loyal to the Underground State, which acted as a secret government in Poland for the resistance. Resistance in Poland during the war was widespread; and the Home Army and Underground State were remarkable in their size and organization. The Underground State reported to the Polish Government-in-Exile in London.11 Also referred to as the London Poles, the Polish Government-in-Exile was a unity government consisting of the major prewar political parties, save the disgraced Sanation regime.12 The Underground State organized civilian support for the Home Army, facilitated help as best it could to those suffering under Nazi occupation, and gave Poles a sense of self-control through 9 "Warsaw," Encyclopædia Britannica, accessed 7 April 2016, http://www.britannica.com/place/Warsaw. 10 Davies, Heart of Europe, 72. 11 Norman Davies, God’s Playground: A History of Poland, vol. 2, 1795 to the Present (New York: Columbia University Press, 1982), 466. 12 Poles, both in Poland and abroad, thought of the Sanation regime as being very incompetent in the face of dual Soviet and Nazi aggression in 1939. 4 its legal system and publications.13 The support of the Polish people and the tenacity of the leadership of both the Home Army and the Underground State made for a potent combination. In a way, the success of the Polish resistance movement was its undoing. By producing a resistance movement large enough to take the Nazis head on, the Polish resistance threw itself into a conflict that it was woefully underprepared to undertake. The Home Army committed around 50,000 men to the Warsaw Uprising.14 These men were the bulk of the Home Army’s strength. Once the Nazis fully recognized the scale of the uprising, they began reprisals and massacres against the local population. Targeting the Wola district, they killed at least 40,000 noncombatants over seven days in early August.15 The Wola Massacre was indicative of the Nazi strategy of outright targeting of Polish civilians. In August and September, the Nazis killed an estimated 150,000 Polish civilians throughout Warsaw. They hoped to break the back of the Polish resistance by means of extreme brutality. If there were no Poles alive to resist, then there was no Polish resistance. By the time Soviet forces liberated the city in January of the following year, it was virtually unpopulated – the Nazis expelled more than half a million Varsovians and killed those whom they did not expel.16 After the Home Army’s surrender on 2 October, the Nazis set about destroying the city. They destroyed almost all major historical buildings and around 42 percent of all structures in the city.17 Hitler 13 Davies, Heart of Europe, 73. 14 Halik Kochanski, The Eagle Unbowed: Poland and the Poles in the Second World War (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2014), 402. 15 Borodziej, Warsaw Uprising, 81. 16 Davies, God’s Playground, 477. 17 Kochanski, Eagle Unbowed, 425. 5 ordered this done as a mark of righteous German fury over what he saw as the perfidious actions of an inferior people. The Warsaw Uprising was not just a Polish and German affair. The Big Three Powers, in varying degrees, set the conditions of Warsaw’s destruction in motion.18 The Soviet Union indirectly played a large role in starting the uprising. On 29 July, a Soviet controlled Polish-language radio station, called the Union of Polish Patriots, issued an appeal to Varsovians to rise up against Nazi occupation.19 Similar calls appeared the next day from Moscow-based radio Kościuszko.20 To cap their efforts off, the Soviets dropped flyers over Warsaw appealing for a national revolt on the same day.21These appeals implied that Soviet aid would shortly arrive to help any Polish attempts to wrest control of Warsaw from the Nazis.